Press Jail House, the Horn of Africa

The Horn of Africa is known being the Jail house of the world Journalist.  In the past twenty years many has been kidnapped, jailed   and even killed. Some are still languishing in prison with no appeal.    In   the Horn a journalist either put in jail by the government or kidnapped by the rebels for ransom  or recognition.  Many diaper without knowing there where about. Only those journalists known by the media are reported, the small local reporters working on the ground are persona non Grata.

“With many African countries marking the 50th anniversary of their independence, 2010 should have been a year of celebration but the continent’s journalists were not invited to the party. The Horn of Africa continues to be the region with the least press freedom but there were disturbing reverses in the Great Lakes region and East Africa.” (reporter)


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Eritrea ranked  1st  from the Horna nd from the rest of the world by scoring at the top 178 place from 178

“A brutal dictatorship cut off from the external world and digital universe, trying to keep its population away from the Web by resorting to a variety of tactics such as technical barriers or attempts to intimidate users. In instances of social unrest, it does not hesitate to block Internet access.”

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Eritrea (178th) is at the very bottom of the world ranking for the fourth year running. At least 30 journalists and four media contributors are held incommunicado in the most appalling conditions, without right to a trial and without any information emerging about their situation. Journalists employed by the state media – the only kind of media tolerated – have to choose between obeying the information ministry’s orders or trying to flee the country. The foreign media are not welcome.

“I was in bed when my wife turned on the radio to listen to the morning news. ‘Starting today, September 18, 2001, the government has ordered all private presses to stop their publications,'” he recalls. “I felt as if I was dreaming. I didn’t move my head. I was still under the blanket.”

Freelance journalist Seyoum Tsehaye, a veteran of Eritrea’s independence war against Ethiopia and a former head of state-owned Eri-TV, was arrested in Asmara on 21 September 2001. Now he is prisoner No. 10 at Eiraeiro, a prison camp in the northeast of the country.

A reporter for state-owned Radio Dimtsi Hafash’s Oromo-language service, Daniel Mussie was arrested in November 2006 following the defection of several well-known journalists, because the authorities suspected him of staying in contact with the fugitives or seeking to flee himself. He is being held in Adi Abeito military prison, in the northwestern outskirts of Asmara.

Yirgalem Fisseha Mebrahtu, one of Eritrea’s few women journalists, was aged 27 when she was arrested on 22 February 2009 at Radio Bana, a small radio station broadcasting educational programmes under the education ministry’s supervision. She has been held in solitary confinement for months in May Srwa prison, just to the north of the capital, without anyone knowing what she is alleged to have done.

In all, around 30 journalists are festering in prisons in Eritrea. Some of them have been there for years.

  • Peter Mackler Award: Eritrea Houses World’s Biggest Prison For …
  • The Unwanted Witness: Free imprisoned journalists in Eritrea
  • Eritrea: 3 Journalists Died in Prison
  • Journalists in prison in Eritrea
  • CPJ’s 2009 prison census: Freelance …
  • Eritrean government is the worst enemy of press freedom in 
  • (AFP) – Swedish-Eritrean journalist Dawit Isaak is one of the inmates in the Eritrean “death camps” where political leaders and journalists have died.

    •  EU urged to halt aid to Eritrea
    • “Release Swedish journalist Dawit Isaak”

    Six former Eritrean government officials and a number of journalists have died in prison since their incarceration nearly a decade ago, a former prison guard said on Thursday.

    Former vice president Mahmoud Sherifo, military chief of staff Ogbe Abraha, and central committee members Aster Fisehatsion, Germano Nati, Hamid Himid and Salih Kekya were part of a group of 15 high-profile politicians that criticised President Isaias Afeworki and asked for reform in 2001.

    The six were among the eleven members who were subsequently rounded up and sent to the remote Embatkala and Eraeiro camps where temperatures can soar to up to 50 degrees Celsius (122 F).

    “Ogbe tried to commit suicide but failed before he succumbed to asthma six months later in 2002. Mahmoud died from a neck infection in 2003,” Eyob Bahta told journalists three months after fleeing to Ethiopia.

    “The other four all died from illness and heat exhaustion. They were never given proper medication or food,” he added.

    The former guard said the remaining five were still alive but extremely ill, including former foreign minister Haile Woldetensae, who has lost his sight while in prison.

    Eyob, who took his position as head of the camp’s ten guards a month before the round up, said there were 35 inmates in 2001 but 15 have died ever since, including five journalists.

    “One of the journalists had committed suicide, while the rest all died of illness,” he said.

    Swedish media and rights groups demonstrated Monday demanding the release of Swedish-Eritrean journalist Dawit Isaak, who is one of the inmates.

    The groups called on the European Union to halt aid to Eritrea until his release as well as the closure of the “death camps”.

    Authorities in Asmara were not immediately available for comment.

    Rights groups say Eritrea has turned into a “giant prison” where detentions, torture and prolonged military conscription have become rife since a 2001 crackdown.

    An Ethiopian refugee agency says up to 2,000 mostly young men and women were now crossing the border each month to “avoid excessive repression, gross human rights violations and forced conscription into the army.”

    In addition to the 49,000 Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia, hundreds arrive every month to neighboring Sudan, according to the UN’s refugee agency.


    Sudan ranked  2nd in the Horn and 6the place higher from Eritrea in the whole raking 172nd

    The temporary lifting of prior censorship on the print media in Sudan (172nd) was just a smokescreen. It has fallen 24 places and now has Africa’s second worst ranking, partly as a result of the closure of the opposition daily Rai-al-Shaab and the jailing of five members of its staff, but above all because of the return of state surveillance of the print media, which makes it impossible to cover key stories such as the future referendum on South Sudan’s independence.


    Somalia raked 3rd in the Horn  is even better than Sudan and Eritrea with   lot of Blood on her hand , all the war and kidnapping  ranked  the  the  161st  place

    In Somalia (161st), the media are not being spared by the civil war between the transitional government and Islamist militias, and journalists often fall victim to the violence. The two leading Islamist militias, Al-Shabaab and Hizb-Al-Islam, are gradually seizing control of independent radio stations and using them to broadcast their religious and political propaganda.


    Ethiopia ranked 4th in the horn of Africa  with 139 place  as a jailer and killer  and banner of free expression….. a  regime that puts in jail and work  on you and let you go astray ..

    “The spectre of the 2005 crackdown on the opposition and on the independent press is resurfacing in the run-up to the May 2010 general elections,” Reporters Without Borders said. “We condemn the fact that a weekly has been forced to close because of a smear campaign and because its staff was gripped by fear. We hope the government’s assurances will allow it to resume publishing soon.”

    Surveillance of the press and a decline in the climate for journalists during the May elections account for Ethiopia’s continued bad ranking (139th). Violence against journalists, arbitrary police arrests and intelligence agency abuses explain why Nigeria (145th) and the Democratic Republic of Congo (148th) are still in the bottom third.

    Djibouti 110th place took the 5th position famous for pardoning and jailing back ..

    Reporters Without Borders has protested against the re-arrest of newspaper editor Daher Ahmed Farah on 5 June, just two days after his release, and has called on the authorities to set him free at once. The editor of the newspaper Le Renouveau and head of the Movement for Democratic Renewal and Development (MRD), Farah is the subject of several libel suits by the armed forces.

    Kenya took the 6th place in killing journalist ranking 74 for in all over

    Reporters Without Borders is shocked by the murder of Francis Kainda Nyaruri, a freelance journalist based in the southwestern town of Nyamira, whose decapitated body was found on 29 January in a nearby forest. He had been missing since 16 January.

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    Uganda ranked 5th in the Horn of Africa ranking 96 from 178 in general index.

    “Not only are the libel accusations unfounded, but the methods being used by the police to intimidate him are disgraceful,” Reporters Without Borders said. “The authorities are violating his right to the presumption of innocence, although this is guaranteed by Ugandan law. This disturbing development highlights the lack of freedom for Ugandan journalists as the country enters a crucial period, the run-up to the 2011 elections.”

    A total of 15 journalists are currently being prosecuted in Uganda, facing sentences ranging from several months to several years in prison. Most of them are charged with criminal defamation or sedition. One of them, Patrick Otim of Mega FM, a station based in the northern city of Gulu, is facing a possible death sentence on a charge of treason. Arrested in June, he is accused of being a member of the rebel Uganda Patriotic Front.

    Kenya ranked 71 th from 178

    Kenya is the best in the Horn of Africa concerning freedom of Press compered from its neighbours ranking 71st from over all.

    President Kibaki urged not to sign draconian media bill into law

    Reporters Without Borders has written to Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki urging him not to sign the Kenya Communications (Amendment) Bill 2008 into law. Otherwise known as the ICT Bill, it was adopted by parliament on 10 December.

    Melese Zenawie Bought Vote by Food Aid in 2010 and in 1990’s came to Power by Band Aid Complicity

    Melese Zenawie the genocidal dictator of Ethiopia came to power in 1991 baying arms with the money collected by Band Aid in mid 80’s. In 2010 he used famine aid money to intimidate the voters to maintain his power for life. Read here under how Band Aid tried to justify how he makes million on the back of million Ethiopian Dry Bones making discs. Bob Guldof and his group must face international investigation on his complicity with African dictator to suppress the famines. Surely he will face the international court of justice with his complicit Melese Zenawie.

    Since a criminal comes back on his crime scene, Melse and Bob Guldof continue cheating the whole world. One keeps his powers the other continuing his so called “Band Aid “to perpetuate the starving millions in misery. His disc was in bankrupt in mid 80′ when band Aid ingeniously saved him rather than the dying millions supposedly helped.

    Ethiopia uses aid to bribe voters – Human Rights Watch

    Ethiopia: Donor Aid Supports Repression

    (London) – The Ethiopian government is using development aid to suppress political dissent by conditioning access to essential government programs on support for the ruling party, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. Human Rights Watch urged foreign donors to ensure that their aid is used in an accountable and transparent manner and does not support political repression.2008_Ethiopia_AidList.jpg

    The 105-page report, “Development without Freedom: How Aid Underwrites Repression in Ethiopia,” documents the ways in which the Ethiopian government uses donor-supported resources and aid as a tool to consolidate the power of the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).

    “The Ethiopian government is routinely using access to aid as a weapon to control people and crush dissent,” said Rona Peligal, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “If you don’t play the ruling party’s game, you get shut out. Yet foreign donors are rewarding this behavior with ever-larger sums of development aid.”

    Ethiopia is one of the world’s largest recipients of development aid, more than US$3 billion in 2008 alone. The World Bank and donor nations provide direct support to district governments in Ethiopia for basic services such as health, education, agriculture, and water, and support a “food-for-work” program for some of the country’s poorest people. The European Union, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany are the largest bilateral donors.

    Local officials routinely deny government support to opposition supporters and civil society activists, including rural residents in desperate need of food aid. Foreign aid-funded “capacity-building” programs to improve skills that would aid the country’s development are used by the government to indoctrinate school children in party ideology, intimidate teachers, and purge the civil service of people with independent political views.

    Political repression was particularly pronounced during the period leading up to parliamentary elections in May 2010, in which the ruling party won 99.6 percent of the seats.

    The Ethiopian government is routinely using access to aid as a weapon to control people and crush dissent. If you don’t play the ruling party’s game, you get shut out. Yet foreign donors are rewarding this behavior with ever-larger sums of development aid.(Rona Peligal, Africa director at Human Rights Watch)

    Despite government restrictions that make independent research difficult, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 200 people in 53 villages across three regions of the country during a six-month investigation in 2009. The problems Human Rights Watch found were widespread: residents reported discrimination in many locations.

    Farmers described being denied access to agricultural assistance, micro-loans, seeds, and fertilizers because they did not support the ruling party. As one farmer in Amhara region told Human Rights Watch, “[Village] leaders have publicly declared that they will single out opposition members, and those identified as such will be denied ‘privileges.’ By that they mean that access to fertilizers, ‘safety net’ and even emergency aid will be denied.”

    Rural villagers reported that many families of opposition members were barred from participation in the food-for-work or “safety net” program, which supports 7 million of Ethiopia’s most vulnerable citizens. Scores of opposition members who were denied services by local officials throughout the country reported the same response from ruling party and government officials when they complained: “Ask your own party for help.”

    Human Rights Watch also documented how high school students, teachers, and civil servants were forced to attend indoctrination sessions on ruling party ideology as part of the capacity-building program funded by foreign governments. Attendees at training sessions reported that they were intimidated and threatened if they did not join the ruling party. Superiors told teachers that ruling party membership was a condition for promotion and training opportunities. Education, especially schools and teacher training, is also heavily supported by donor funds.

    “By dominating government at all levels, the ruling party controls all the aid programs,” Peligal said. “Without effective, independent monitoring, international aid will continue to be abused to consolidate a repressive single-party state.”

    In 2005, the World Bank and other donors suspended direct budget support to the Ethiopian government following a post-election crackdown on demonstrators that left 200 people dead, 30,000 detained, and dozens of opposition leaders in jail. At the time, donors expressed fears of “political capture” of donor funds by the ruling party.

    Yet aid was soon resumed under a new program, “Protection of Basic Services,” that channeled money directly to district governments. These district governments, like the federal administration, are under ruling party control, yet are harder to monitor and more directly involved in day-to-day repression of the population.

    During this period the Ethiopian government has steadily closed political space, harassed independent journalists and civil society activists into silence or exile, and violated the rights to freedom of association and expression. A new law on civil society activity, passed in 2009, bars nongovernmental organizations from working on issues related to human rights, good governance, and conflict resolution if they receive more than 10 percent of their funding from foreign sources.

    “The few independent organizations that monitored human rights have been eviscerated by government harassment and a pernicious new civil society law,” Peligal said. “But these groups are badly needed to ensure aid is not misused.”

    As Ethiopia’s human rights situation has worsened, donors have ramped up assistance. Between 2004 and 2008, international development aid to Ethiopia doubled. According to Ethiopian government data, the country is making strong progress on reducing poverty, and donors are pleased to support Ethiopia’s progress toward the United Nations Millennium Development Goals. Yet the price of that progress has been high.

    When Human Rights Watch presented its findings to donor officials, many privately acknowledged the worsening human rights situation and the ruling party’s growing authoritarian rule. Donor officials from a dozen Western government agencies told Human Rights Watch that they were aware of allegations that donor-supported programs were being used for political repression, but they had no way of knowing the extent of such abuse. In Ethiopia, most monitoring of donor programs is a joint effort alongside Ethiopian government officials.

    Yet few donors have been willing to raise their concerns publicly over the possible misuse of their taxpayers’ funds. In a desk study and an official response to Human Rights Watch, the donor consortium Development Assistance Group stated that their monitoring mechanisms showed that their programs were working well and that aid was not being “distorted.” But no donors have carried out credible, independent investigations into the problem.

    Human Rights Watch called on donor country legislatures and audit institutions to examine development aid to Ethiopia to ensure that it is not supporting political repression.

    “In their eagerness to show progress in Ethiopia, aid officials are shutting their eyes to the repression lurking behind the official statistics,” Peligal said. “Donors who finance the Ethiopian state need to wake up to the fact that some of their aid is contributing to human rights abuses.”

    Led by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the ruling party is a coalition of ethnic-based groups that came to power in 1991 after ousting the military government of Mengistu Haile Mariam. The government passed a new constitution in 1994 that incorporated fundamental human rights standards, but in practice many of these freedoms have been increasingly restricted during its 19 years in power.

    Although the ruling party introduced multiparty elections soon after it came to power in 1991, opposition political parties have faced serious obstruction to their efforts to establish offices, organize, and campaign in national and local elections.

    Eight-five percent of Ethiopia’s population live in rural areas and, each year, 10 to 20 percent rely on international food relief to survive. Foreign development assistance to Ethiopia has steadily increased since the 1990s, with a temporary plateau during the two-year border war with Eritrea (1998-2000). Ethiopia is now the largest recipient of World Bank funds and foreign aid in Africa.

    In 2008, total aid was US$3.3 billion. Of that, the United States contributes around $800 million, much of it in humanitarian and food aid; the European Union contributes $400 million; and the United Kingdom provides $300 million. Ethiopia is widely considered to be making good progress toward some of the UN Millennium Development Goals on reducing poverty, but much of the data originates with the government and is not independently verified.

    Quotes from the Report

    “There are micro-loans, which everybody goes to take out, but it is very difficult for us, [opposition] members. They say, ‘This is not from your government, it is from the government you hate. Why do you expect something from the government that you hate?'”

    – A farmer from  southern Ethiopia

    “Yesterday in fact the kebele [village] chairman said to me, ‘You are suffering so many problems, why don’t you write a letter of regret and join the ruling party?'”

    – A farmer with a starving child from  southern Ethiopia, denied participation in the safety net food-for-work program”The safety net is used to buy loyalty to the ruling party. That is money that comes from abroad. Democracy is being compromised by money that comes from abroad. Do those people who send the money know what it is being used for? Let them know that it is being used against democracy.”

    – A farmer from Amhara region”It is clear that our money is being moved into political brainwashing.”

    – Consultant to a major donor, Addis Ababa”Intimidation is all over, in every area. There is politicization of housing, business, education, agriculture. Many of the people are forced or compromised to join the party because of safety net and so on, many do not have a choice – it is imposed.”

    – Western donor official, Addis Ababa”Every tool at their disposal – fertilizer, loans, safety net – is being used to crush the opposition. We know this.”

    – Senior Western donor official, Addis Ababa”Which state are we building and how? It could be that we are building the capacity of the state to control and repress.”

    – World Bank staff member, Addis Ababa

    Ethiopia used aid to bribe voters – Human Right Wach

    Aid was denied to those known who belong to opposition parties, Human Rights Watch found

    Ethiopia’s government has been withholding foreign aid from opposition supporters, Human Rights Watch says.

    Its report urged donors to ensure their aid was distributed transparently.

    Ethiopia is one of the world’s largest recipient of development aid – in 2008 international donations to the country totalled $3bn (£1.8bn).

    Its government has not yet commented on the report but has rejected similar accusations in the past as “ridiculous and outrageous”.

    BBC East Africa correspondent Will Ross says this leaves donors in a dilemma because they are reluctant to turn off the taps as they feel this would reverse the gains.

    In May, Ethiopia’s governing party trounced the opposition in elections – only one opposition MP was elected in the 536-seat parliament.

    In contrast, the opposition won more than 170 seats and swept the board in the capital, Addis Ababa in the previous election, in 2005.

    However, they said they had been cheated of victory and organised street protests.

    Nearly 200 opposition supporters and several policemen were killed and a comprehensive crackdown on the opposition followed, with politicians and supporters jailed.

    Many analysts suggest the muzzling of the opposition was a major factor behind the governing party’s sweep to victory in May.

    Our correspondent says the government has worked hard to deliver services to the population.

    But Human Rights Watch accuses the donors of focusing only on the development and ignoring the repression as they continue to pour money into the country.

    “If independent NGOs were allowed to work, civil society was allowed to play its role and international NGOs were allowed to distribute directly to Ethiopian citizens then you would cut out the pernicious role that the state is playing,” Mr Rawlence said.

    He said that Ethiopia now was one of the most repressive societies in the world.

    “People were very, very scared about talking to me – they would only do so in safe-houses,” he said.

    Where Band Aid money goes

    A new version of the Band Aid song Do They Know It’s Christmas? and a DVD of the Live Aid concert are expected to be big sellers in the festive season. Where is the money going?

    No. The bottom line is at least £2.43 from each £3.99 CD single is going to charity, but it may rise to £3.53.

    Record company Mercury and the Band Aid Trust say £1.83 goes straight to charity. Another 60p will be paid in VAT then refunded to the Trust by the government.

    Record shops would normally keep a £1.10 slice. But most big chains – including HMV, Virgin Megastores, Woolworths, Tesco, WH Smith and Sainsbury’s – have agreed to give their profits to charity.

    But it is not as simple as giving £1.10 back per CD. Shops have bought huge quantities from Mercury and need to sell enough to cover those costs before breaking even.

    Only then would any profit go to charity – so the more copies sold, the more likelihood there is of shops making a profit, and the higher that amount is likely to be.

    The other 46p in the £3.99 covers the record company’s essential costs – such as manufacturing, labels and distribution, which are all done by the company itself. Mercury is not making any profit from the CD.

    But lots of people who would normally be paid have given their time and effort for free – from the singers and musicians themselves to PR people, artwork designers, shops that have done marketing activities and TV stations and magazines who have donated advertising space.

    What about internet downloads and mobile phone ringtones?

    The new version of Do They Know It’s Christmas? is being sold for £1.49 to download, or for £1.99 they will throw in the original 1984 version too.

    But unlike CD singles, there is no manufacture and delivery process so almost every penny goes to charity. The same goes for ringtones, with telephone companies giving most proceeds to charity.

    How much will be raised for charity?

    If a million copies of the CD are sold, the total proceeds going to charity, including funds from downloads and ringtones, could be about £3m – depending on where they were bought.

    What about the Live Aid DVD?

    1. £1.83 - straight to Band Aid Trust charity 2. 60p - VAT to be given to charity by government 3. £1.10 Retailer's cut. How much goes to charity depends on the retailer and how many are sold 4. 46p - Record company costs eg manufacture, distribution

    As with the single, the full price you pay does not go to charity – but it is impossible to say exactly how much does.

    Live Aid

    A DVD of the 1985 Live Aid concert has just been released

    Warner Vision International won a bidding war for the rights to release the 1985 concert for the first time, paying an unspecified but “huge” sum in the millions, they say, to the Band Aid Trust.

    On top of that, they are paying an “above-standard royalty rate” that will go up as sales increase.

    Record shops and other retailers are taking some of their cut. They pay up to £27 per four-disc set and would normally keep the difference between that and the price fans pay. But shops are believed to be making an unspecified “fixed contribution” to charity for each DVD sold.

    Internet retailers are the cheapest, selling the DVD for £27.99, with prices elsewhere rising to the recommended retail price of £39.99.

    What will the charity money be used for?

    The Band Aid Trust has been going since the original single was released, handing out $144m (£75m) to famine relief projects across Africa between January 1985 and November 2004.

    Bob Geldof in Ethiopia in 1985

    The Band Aid Trust has been funding projects in Africa since 1985,Bob Geldof in Ethiopia in 1985

    Of the latest money raised, a Band Aid statement said: “These funds are distributed to various organisations that implement sustainable projects aimed at relieving poverty and hunger in Ethiopia and the surrounding area via a funding process.

    “This involves inviting organisations to submit proposals to the trustees for consideration – those projects that meet the Trust’s objectives and the approval of the trustees are funded.

    “The progress of each project is monitored by the trustees through the receipt of regular reports from each of the charity organisations funded.”

    Sudan Abyei A Time Bomb set for 9th of January 2011, “A day Officially Slave trade seizes in Sudan.”

    Sudan is a country that a drama of genocide and human slavery is being enacted from its foundation in a manner that should revolt all civilized people extending to the 21st century.  This in human   practice is expected to end at least in the South, on the 9th of January, 2010.    This  barbaric  border is traced to stop at the town of Abyie, where the Slave Bar is set since immemorial time.

    “The status of Abyei was one of the most contested  being the border line that divided  the north Arab Slave traders and the south  ex slave abolitionists in the negotiation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. The 2002 protocol known as   Machakos Protocol, defined Southern Sudan as the area as of independence in 1956 from the British. This southern strongholds in Abyei, the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile, were excluded from this unjust  Protocol. Despite effortless  SPLA negotiations  to give them the right to a referendum  to decide if they want to be under the administrative control of the north or south in the 9 January Vote of 2011, Khartoum refused and even declared to sabotage the whole protocol, otherwise . This had   undermined Abyie and the other two states to be the apart of a free   South Sudan after referendum. The government once again in 2005 blocked the chance of   Nubian and Blue Nile Areas to be free from slavery using the 2002 Machakos Protocol   as a pretext permit only to hold a symbolical “popular consultations” in 2011.”

    The Protocol put Abyei into a special administrative status government directly by the presidency and the precise borders of the area were to be determined by an Abyei Borders Commission (ABC), followed by a referendum commission to identify Messriya that are resident in Abyei and could thus vote in local elections in 2009; all the Ngok Dinka once the slaves of Messeriya were recognized as resident as Abyie being their traditional homeland. The cattle and once  slave riders were considered only as residence with limited rights which they off course contested.  Never has in history a slave master loosen his grip peacefully.

    In 2009,  the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) redrew the boundaries of Abyei, ceding key oilfields to north Sudan but gave the South most of the land including Abyei town which has huge areas of fertile land and one significant oilfield, which antagonized the existing mistrust between the  Arbo- Islamic North   and the  Afro   Christian   animist South.   The Christian Southerners have been for centuries abused by the Northern   Arab Slave riders.   Abyie has incarnated the century old conflict between the two.  The fate of Abyei is set to be decided in the coming vote of January 9, 2011 with the rest of the referendum with Southern Sudan. Abyei is due to decide whether it wants to become part of the south or remain with the north slave riders based on the compressive agreement 2005. In 2005 Abyie was considered as a special case to be treated separately, understanding the delicacy of the problem between the master and the Slave.  The borders have yet to be demarcated to comply with the court’s verdict because of threats leveled by the Misseriya tribe.

    The Misseriay are known slave traders and cattle headers in the past. It is here in Abyei where the two people frequent one another, those Slave traders of the North and the Southern victims of the in human commerce once upon a time.  Today’s the north Arab is incarnated by the Misseriya and the South Africans by Dinka Ngok tribesmen in Abyei as once a flourishing center of Slave trade.  The later has been victim of slave trade for centuries even shamefully continuing to this day.

    Recent accusation of Hassan Musa, one of the leaders from Misseriya tribe, the SPLM of undermining their rights to participate in the upcoming vote in Abyei has already prepared the upcoming conflict.

    We do not have any serious issue with brothers and sisters from Dinka Ngok which cannot be resolved. We have lived with them for over two decades as one and the same people until the SPLM signed peace agreement with the government,” said Musa.

    The leadership and general union of the Misseriya tribe recently accused the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), who controls southern Sudan, of undermining their right to participate in the upcoming referendum vote.  Abyie conflict is set to disrupt the whole of the Horn of Africa a main source of conflict set to explode on the day of the referendum engulfing the rest of the region into wanton war and destruction.  Furthermore, the conflict will drag not only the regional actors but also the international interest groups in the exploiting the black gold in Abyie   who have in any way to end the shameful human trade. The populations of Abyei are supposed to vote early next year on whether it wants to be part of North or Southern Sudan in a vote parallel to the south voting on whether it wants to secede from the north. Surely the African population of Abyie will vote to join their brothers of the South not of their slave masters the North advocated by the Misseriya minorities.

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    Khartoum’s Genocidal regime has employed  and financing  in Darfur the the Arab Janjaweed militia – who are  “cleansing ” black Africans from large swathes of territory. Some 2.7m people have fled their homes during the seven-year conflict in the western region of Darfur and the UN says about 300,000 have died. Slave riders in the West, Misseriya in the South and the  LRA (Koni) mercenaries of  Uganda  are set to completely  destabilize the region.

    The  Slave masters of the north see  the Misseriya’s deal in the  the agreement of 2005 between the North and the South as the end of their century old slave trade. Their leader Musa explains to the recent article of Sudan tribune in the following terms putting the blame on the Southern liberators:-

    “Any discussion between the two parties does not allow peaceful coexistence as priority because SPLM has never allowed it. SPLM leaders are not interested in any peaceful dialogue. They are always interested in division and demarcation of borders. They are the one who brought this division. They are the one who brought borders which have never been there, “said Hassan denying having had borders with Dinka Ngok before.  “We have never had borders with Dinka Ngok. They have never demanded drawing borders. We have never been divided because we have always been one and the same family. It is the SPLM which came with it and it is now the one working against peaceful coexistence between us and the Dinka Ngok. They have not given any chance to initiate dialogue on how to live together as brothers and sisters. “

    The momentum of the conflict will reach it apex and is set to explode on the day of the vote if Abyie is allowed to participate on 9th of January 9, 2010 as a day that officially slave trade will cease to exist in Sudan.

    The Misseriya tribe said they would not create instability but will use all masters.

    “We do not have any intention to create instability in the area but we will not compromise our rights as Misseriya whatsoever,” Muse  said blaming the SPLM of working against their rights.

    Juac Agok, a native Abyei and a prominent member of the SPLM in an interview with Sudan Tribune in Juba denied that the movement was preventing the Misseriya from exercising their rights. He confirmed in the same Journal:

    “The right of the Misseriya as per the CPA is not being undermined. Their right to access water and grazing areas during dry seasons has not been denied. The SPLM on this remains clear allowing them to access water and grazing areas. Nothing has change.

    He said that what the SPLM opposes is the inclusion of Misseriya to vote in the referendum. He knows in advance their position.

    The referenda for the status of Abyei and south Sudan were agreed as part of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the SPLM and NCP.

    “The water and grazing rights of the Misseriya in the area as stipulated in the CPA and in the ruling of the permanent court of Arbitration have not been undermined,” said Agok, who is the acting of the SPLM chair in the area.

    They are the only people with residents of Abyei as mentioned in the CPA accorded full rights to vote at the referendum without any reference to Misseriya,” he said.

    Abyei was transferred from southern Sudan into South Kordofan, which is part of northern Sudan, in 1905 by Britain who were the colonial power until Sudan gained independence in 1956.

    The  October 2010 talks in Addis Ababa between the NCP and SPLM on Abyei collapsed due to the pro Khartoum government of Ethiopia working against the independence of the south by  seeming discord among each other in the background  rather than assuring the end of Slavery in the south.

    Southerners in Abyei declared officially that they will not accept any proposal demanding renegotiation of the Abyei protocol signed in 2005 to end slavery definitively by voting for the referendum.

    The Khartoum still insists on definition of eligibility and citizenship of those who will have to vote in Abyei referendum  though their rights and eligibility have already been defined and explained in the protocol.”

    The Messeriya Slave owners   wanted to be able to vote in the Abyei referendum and accused the SPLM of denying them their rights. SPLM refused the Messeriya should be able to vote and their rights were already agreed in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the SPLM and NCP in 2005. “All rights including that of Messeriya to seasonally move freely in the region with cattle and access grazing and water areas have been defined. Their rights according to the CPA are limited to water and grazing rights not to vote and continue to hold slave from the south.

    I do not see any other right of the Messeriya which has not been granted.” “Not only in the protocol, the Permanent Court of Arbitration has also identified boundaries which identifies and locates who has what right and who comes from where,” said Kuol, accusing the NCP of violating peace agreement. Kuol said that the NCP was using the Messeriya to try to affect Abyei’s by attempting to change the original agreement that only the Dinka Ngok would be able to vote in the regions referendum. This referendum, he said, according to the CPA, is meant only for the nine Dinka Ngok chiefdoms transferred to the Kordofan region in 1905 by the British under colonial rule. “When the nine Dinka Ngok were transferred, they were not transferred with Messeriya. They were transferred alone and so [this] is why the referendum is being organized for them. It does not include Messeriya,” he said. Acuil Akol Miyen, Abyei’s secretary of finance and administration told Sudan Tribune that the talks in Ethiopia were moving in a “snail style”. “The talks are slowly moving. Our delegations remain at the vicinity of the [negotiating] table ready and opened for an honest discussions,” said Miyen describing situation in the area as “relatively calm,” In the mean time “people are leading their normal lives. Commercial routes connecting the area are open,” he said. (ST)

    The only viable solution for the Southerners including Abyie is to vote for freedom on the 9th of January2011 and trace  in the same token   the  coming destiny for the Independence of Darfur from the genocidal regime of Khartoum too.

    Prof. Muse Tegegne

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    Will January vote bring war or peace to south Sudan?

    A large campaign banner in Juba with the words 'Referendum is your Golden Chance'

    Ethiopia indexed worst of the 25 alarming…& Eritrea figured with the Most alarmingly Hungry . Muse Tegegne, Prof.

    Ethiopia is indexed  among 25 hungry countries where over 53 % children are stunted, while in Eritrea more than 50 % are starving according to IFPRI.

    Ethiopia Ranked the worst among the 25  least to greatest levels of hunger, they included: Nepal, Tanzania, Cambodia, Sudan, Zimbabwe, Burkina Faso, Togo, Guinea-Bissau, Rwanda, Djibouti, Mozambique, India, Bangladesh, Liberia, Zambia, Timor-Leste, Niger, Angola, Yemen, the Central African Republic, Madagascar, the Comoros, Haiti, Sierra Leone, and Ethiopia.

    Eritrea figured among  the most alarming countries with Congo DR & Chad.

    ‘Alarming’ numbers go hungry in 25 countries including Ethiopia due to poverty, conflict, and political instability causing some billion people to go hungry this year, many of them children in Africa and Asia, according to the Global Hunger Index of 11th of October, 2010.

    Out of 122 countries included in the annual report, of IFPRI, Ethiopia & Eritrea are among 25 hungry countries where 53 % children are stunted & More than 50 % are starving.

    The Ethiopian and Eritrean poor governance and lack of political interest in nutrition, and stimulating demand is the main reason of the problem.  Both countries do not have the necessary infrastructure to meet increased demand for health care and other services that go hand-in-hand with anti-hunger programs,

    The overall number of hungry people surpassed one billion in 2009, even though it decreased to 925 million in 2010. Over 20 billion is from Ethiopia not shown in the index.

    Though the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) fared the worst in the hunger index, which is based on data from 2003-2008, the  2009 and 2013  which  is not covered by the IFPR  will put   surely  Ethiopia among the  extreme situation despite the double score economic growth announced t by the dictatorial regime of Melese Zenawie.

    The index ranked countries on a 100-point scale, with zero being the best score—no hunger—and 100 being the worst. A score higher than 20 indicated “alarming” levels of hunger and above 30, “extremely alarming” hunger.

    The DRC was the only country in this year’s index with a score above 40.

    The other three countries with extremely alarming hunger levels were Burundi, Eritrea, and Chad. All have been involved in simmering or open conflict for many years.

    With the exception of Haiti and Yemen, all 25 countries with “alarming” levels of hunger were in sub-Saharan Africa or Asia.

    According to IFPRI’ Report the Sub-Saharan Africa situation is described as:

    2010 Global Hunger Index: Facts and Findings: Sub-Saharan Africa

    • Burundi, Chad, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Eritrea have the greatest levels of hunger.
    • Angola, Chad, and Somalia have the highest under-five mortality rates at 20 percent or more.
    • More than 50 percent of people in Burundi, the Comoros, the DRC, and Eritrea are undernourished.
    • In Burundi, Madagascar, and Malawi, 53 percent of children are stunted (low height for their age); in Ethiopia and Rwanda, the figure stands at 51 percent; and in Niger, 47 percent of children are stunted.
    • More than one-third (34 percent) of Mali’s children are stunted, and 11 percent suffer from wasting (low weight for one’s height). Stunting levels were nearly the same in 1996, and the prevalence of wasting has more than doubled.
    • Based on the 1990 and 2010 GHI scores, the DRC has experienced the greatest deterioration in hunger, largely because of conflict and political instability. The DRC also has the highest proportion of undernourished people—three-quarters of the population—and one of the highest child mortality rates in the world.

    Three over half of the population in Ethiopia and Eritrea is under-nourished. The proportion of undernourished people and the child mortality rate in each country were among two of the three factors used to compile the index.

    According to the report’s co-author Marie Ruel, director of IFPRI’s Poverty, Health and Nutrition division “the third, the prevalence of underweight children, is the most important to address when trying to wrestle down hunger in a country because it accounts for nearly half the global hunger score.”  And she further stressed on the child food security which is 51% of the case in Ethiopia Ruel confirmed that:

    “In order to improve their hunger index, countries have to accelerate efforts to reduce child under-nutrition,” with a particular focus on the 1,000 days from conception to the age of two.

    “Those 1,000 days… are a key time because damage done by under-nutrition in early life is largely irreversible.”

    Adding to the above  confirmation that :-  “a child is not properly nourished during that period, there is “absolutely cast-iron, empirical proof” it will have “profound” long-term consequences, which  ultimately going to have an impact on a country’s capacity to grow economically and socially in the future,”  Tom Arnold, CEO of Concern Worldwide affirmed.

    Hunger mitigation programs that failed to focus on children under put Ethiopia “alarming” hunger index despite its relatively high gross domestic product per capita claimed by the dictatorial regime who blow up the growth.

    Yet the true progress was found elsewhere, especially in Southeast Asia and Latin America, which both slashed their hunger indices by more than 40 percent since 1990.

    Eight of the nine countries in which the hunger index went up between 1990 and 2010 were in sub-Saharan Africa mostly in Ethiopia and Eritrea.

    The 2010 Global Hunger Index (GHI) offers a useful and multidimensional overview of global hunger while the two countries of the  horn of Africa boasted as fulfilling  the Millennium Development Goals by 2015 (MDGs).


    Global Hunger  Index  2010

    Global Hunger Index PDF application/pdf icon

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    Ethiopia : 1984 to 1985 famine in Ethiopia

    The Great Tigray Ethiopian FAMINE in Ethiopia

    The Ethiopia Famine

    Ethiopia famine aid ‘spent on weapons’ TPLF’s Aregawi Berhe Openly Admits

    Rwanda & Uganda still stand accused of “The Great Lake Genocide” Muse Tegegne, Prof.

    Map on DR Congo and its neighbours

    The United Nations controversial Report on the “Genocide” in the Democratic Republic of Congo in 1990s is published after being tempered  down due to the pressure exercised by Rwanda and Uganda on the world body.

    This accusation of genocide is mainly against Rwanda’s regime led by President Paul Kagame.  This  eventually would break the    the  status quo  he has developed that his government has  stopped the mass killings of his fellow Tutsis and moderate Hutus in 1994. The cause of the genocide is mainly based on the identity of the Tutsi being as Ethiopians and considered as occupiers. This ideology was inculcated by the divide and rule methodology of the colonial powers. The regime of Kagame adamantly rejects the Ethiopian origin of the Tutsis’ descent. He goes far even by rejecting the existence of any ethnic difrences between the Bawetu,  and Batutsi of  the Great Lakes. The Tutis   and Hutus found  themselves divided  by  post colonial borders in  Rwanda, Burundi, DR Congo, Tanzania, Uganda without fair share of the natural resources is the main cause  of the conflict prepared and designed in the Berlin Conference of African Scramble in 1880’s.

    In this new Report both Uganda and Rwanda  stand accused of  committing war crimes against ethnic Hutus in DR Congo during the conflict as a revenge to the 1994 genocide committed against the Tutis due to their Ethiopian origin. Both Ankoli (Uganda) and Tutsi tribes of the Great Lakes regions of Africa traces their origin from Ethiopian descent.

    They both countries had threatened to pull out of UN peacekeeping missions in response to the Publication of the Report.

    The report divulgates the crimes never previously documented into conflicts in the DR Congo between 1993 and 2003.   It is about 600 incidents and includes allegations of massacres of civilians, torture, and the destruction of infrastructure that leading to Genocide. The anti Ethiopian Tutsi militiamen responsible for that genocide of the Ethiopian Tutsi and the Moderate e Hutus fled into Zaire, where they were pursued by troops loyal to President Kagame and were victim of torture and mass killing leading to Genocide.

    UN report mainly accuses them of killings tens of thousands of Hutu. The the only difference between the draft and final reports is that lawyers have gone through it with a fine toothcomb, especially where genocide is mentioned

    The final report is manipulated   with cautious language but the basic allegations of against Rwanda and Uganda “Genocide in Congo”   supposedly still maintained.

    Prof. Muse Tegegne

    OHCHR header

    DRC: Mapping human rights violations 1993-2003

    DRC: Mapping human rights violations 1993-2003

    In the wake of the discovery of three mass graves in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in late 2005, the United Nations first announced its intention to send a human rights team to conduct a mapping exercise in DRC in a June 2006 report to the Security Council.

    In May 2007, the UN Secretary-General approved the terms of reference of the mapping exercise following a series of consultations among relevant UN agencies and partners and with the Congolese government

    The mapping exercise, led by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) had three objectives:

    • Conduct a mapping exercise of the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed within the territory of the DRC between March 1993 and June 2003.
    • Assess the existing capacities within the national justice system to deal appropriately with such human rights violations that may be uncovered.
    • Formulate a series of options aimed at assisting the Government of the DRC in identifying appropriate transitional justice mechanisms to deal with the legacy of these violations, in terms of truth, justice, reparation and reform, taking into account ongoing efforts by the DRC authorities, as well as the support of the international community.

    The mapping exercise began in July 2008. Between October 2008 and May 2009, a total of 33 staff worked on the project in the DRC (including Congolese and international human rights experts). Of these, some 20 human rights officers were deployed across the country, operating out of five field offices, to gather documents and information from witnesses to meet the three objectives defined in the terms of reference. The report was submitted to the High Commissioner for Human Rights in June 2009 for review, comments and finalisation.

    The mapping team’s 550-page report contains descriptions of 617 alleged violent incidents occurring in the DRC between March 1993 and June 2003. Each of these incidents points to the possible commission of gross violations of human rights and/or international humanitarian law. Each of the incidents listed is backed up by at least two independent sources identified in the report. As serious as they may be, uncorroborated incidents claimed by one single source are not included. Over 1,500 documents relating to human rights violations committed during this period were gathered and analysed with a view to establishing an initial chronology by region of the main violent incidents reported. Only incidents meeting a ‘gravity threshold’ set out in the methodology were considered. Field mapping teams met with over 1,280 witnesses to corroborate or invalidate the violations listed in the chronology. Information was also collected on previously

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  • Mapping exercise
  • Crimes
  • Sexual violence
  • Children
  • Natural resources
  • Neighbouring states
  • Impunity
  • Transitional justice
  • Q&A: DR Congo conflict BBC

    • August 27,2010

    Congolese rebels pictured north of Goma in November 2008

    A draft UN report says crimes by the Rwandan army and allied rebels in the Democratic Republic of Congo from 1993 to 2003 could be classified as genocide.

    The east of the country is still plagued by army and militia violence despite the end of the country’s five-year war in 2003 in which more than five million people lost their lives – the deadliest conflict since World War II.

    What has the fighting been about?

    DR Congo is extremely wealthy – and extremely big. Similar in size to Western Europe, it abounds with diamonds, gold, copper, cobalt and zinc.

    The country also has supplies of coltan, which is used in mobile phones and other electronic gadgets, and cassiterite, used in food packaging.

    People fleeing fighting in eastern DR Congo - November 2008

    Unfortunately for the people of DR Congo, its resource wealth has rarely been harnessed for their benefit.

    This vast country has hardly any roads or railways, while the health and education systems lie in ruins.

    Instead, the natural riches have attracted rapacious adventurers, unscrupulous corporations, vicious warlords and corrupt governments and divided the population between competing ethnic groups.

    In the early 20th Century Belgian forces arrived and enslaved millions, while King Leopold ruled the country as his personal fiefdom.

    During a painful independence struggle in the 1960s, the vast country almost disintegrated as regions fought each other.

    But Joseph Mobutu seized power in 1965 and set about crushing internal rebellions and unifying the nation – eventually changing its name to Zaire.

    However, Mobutu was soon seduced by wealth and once he controlled most of the country and gained a level of stability and prosperity, he began using the country’s riches for one thing – to ensure he remained in power.

    As his rule went on, his plunder continued and the country gradually slipped out of his control.

    The 1994 genocide in neighbouring Rwanda hastened his downfall and helped plunge DR Congo into the deadliest conflict in African history.

    Why did Rwanda’s genocide affect DR Congo so badly?

    Eastern DR Congo has porous borders.

    After Rwanda’s genocidal Hutu regime was overthrown, more than two million Hutus are thought to have fled into DR Congo fearing reprisals against them by the new, Tutsi-dominated government.

    Among them were many of the militiamen responsible for the genocide.

    They quickly allied themselves with Mobutu’s government and began to attack DR Congo’s sizeable population of ethnic Tutsis, who had lived in the country for generations.

    Rwanda’s Tutsi government started to back rival militias, fighting both the Hutu militias and Congolese government troops.

    The Tutsi militias, allied to other local groups backed by Uganda, eventually marched on Kinshasa and overthrew Mobutu’s government.

    They installed Laurent Kabila as president and he renamed the country – from Zaire to DR Congo.

    But Kabila failed to expel the Hutu militia and tiny Rwanda, which had put him in power, soon sent a new force to oust him.

    Kabila then called in help from Zimbabwe, Namibia and Angola and for the next five years all six countries, and others, fought a proxy war on Congolese land.

    All sides were accused of using the cover of the war to loot the country’s riches.

    More than five million people died in the war and its aftermath – mostly from starvation or disease.

    Although the war was declared over in 2003, the east of the country continues to be unstable

    Has DR Congo achieved any kind of peace?

    Most of the country has now found peace and the central government has slowly reasserted control.

    The country even started to live up to its name by having the first democratic elections in more than four decades, which saw the late Laurent Kabila’s son, Joseph, elected as president.
    A child soldier in the Democratic Republic of Congo in 1998

    But a proxy war between Rwanda and the Kinshasa government continued in the east until the end of 2008.

    Notorious Tutsi warlord Gen Laurent Nkunda – who most analysts believe was backed by Rwanda – waged a campaign to destroy Hutu rebels from the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).

    He accused the government of backing the FDLR.

    A sea-change in the conflict came about in late 2008 when Rwanda and DR Congo joined forces to combat the FDLR in the provinces of North and South Kivu.

    As part of the deal, Gen Nkunda was taken out of the country and put under house arrest in Rwanda – where he remains.

    But the bitter conflict has continued unabated and Congolese government troops, backed by thousands of UN peacekeepers, have failed to defeat the FDLR rebels.

    Reports of mass rapes, killings and other atrocities committed by rebels and government troops continue.

    What is the UN doing?

    The UN’s peacekeeping mission has been in DR Congo for 10 years.

    At one point it was the biggest peacekeeping operation in the world, with almost 20,000 personnel on the ground.

    It is mandated to protect civilians and also help in the reconstruction of the country.

    UN peacekeeper in DR Congo, December 2008

    President Joseph Kabila wants UN peacekeepers out of the country by the end of 2011

    But as the battles in the east have rumbled on, the allegiances and intentions of the major players have become increasingly murky.

    Warlords have been absorbed into the army but are widely accused of carrying out atrocities and running their own personal militias.

    Army commanders have been accused of supplying the FDLR – the very rebels they are supposed to be fighting.

    Human rights groups say the army and the FDLR are working together to exploit mines.

    And Human Rights Watch has suggested the UN is risking becoming complicit in atrocities against civilians.

    In November 2009, a report by UN-commissioned experts said UN involvement had done nothing to quell the violence – with rebels continuing to kill and plunder natural resources with impunity and claims the rebels are supported by an international crime network stretching through Africa to Western Europe and North America.

    UN peacekeeping troops continue to back efforts to defeat the FDLR, but rights groups have warned that it will be impossible to defeat the FDLR without tackling their backers.

    In August 2010, the UN force came in for more criticism for not doing anything to stop the rape of more than 150 women and children within miles of their base near Luvungi, saying they only heard about the attacks 10 days afterwards.

    Meanwhile, the Congolese government has said it wants the UN force to leave by the end of 2011 – when elections are due.

    So in July, to reflect its changing status, the force changed its name from the UN Organisation Mission in DR Congo – known by its French acronym Monuc – to the UN Organisation Stabilisation Mission – Monusco.

    Proxy Warriors of of the Horn of Africa battling with words at the UN to win allies ? Muse Tegegne, Prof.

    The month of September is a special month in the history of the Horn of Africa. It is the month of Ethiopian & Eritrean Orthodox New Year falling the same day as that of 9/11 terrorist attack 9 years ago in New York. The 1st of September is  a memorial day in  Eritrea, the day the struggle of liberation started.  This day is commemorated every years in Asmara the capital of the ex Italian colony once federated later province of Ethiopia, which seceded in 1991 and became Independence in 1993, with the full support of the present regime of Ethiopia. Eritrea is a pure creation of the scramble for Africa.  The  Eritrean legacy of  colonization has continued to this day starting a full flagged war with Ethiopia 7 years after its  independence. The leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia were once comrades in struggle against the Marxist regime of Addis Ababa, today they are  at least publically sworn enemy.   The war exploded in 1998 between the two frères-enemies up until 2002, when Cessez-le-feu was established by the intervention of the UN , costing over 200000 lives.  Further more, the two dictatorial regimes continue their proxy war and war of words by organizing proxy armed movements in each other soil.  They even further destabilized the region by employing their proxies in Somalia. Thus, Somalia became the center of international terrorism and piracy sponsored by Al Qaida.  The Ethiopian dictator dragged in over 5000 African forces to Somalia after unsuccessful occupation of the country for two years starting 2006. In 2009 Ethiopian regime pressured the AU at its siege in Ethiopia  to impose sanction against Eritrea by the UN.  Eritrea in return  continues supporting the opposition groups in Somali and Ethiopia in spite of the UN sanction to this day.

    The UN sanction N° Resolution 1907 (2009) Stipulates Arms Embargo, Travel Restrictions, Asset Freezes

    “Cease arming, training and equipping armed groups and their members including al-Shabab”

    Eritrea called the sanction as”ludicrous punitive measures” and warned that their imposition risked “engulfing the region in to another cycle of conflict as it may encourage Ethiopia to contemplate reckless military adventures”.

    Both the representative of Eritrea and Ethiopia used the opportunity of the United Nations General Debate to settle some scores trying to influence some member states to join their proxy wars in Somalia in the pretext of border wars. It is ridiculous after agreeing in major principle as great as the Independence of Eritrea to engage to a whole out  war  for a piece of barn land. As we all know the truth of the mater lies not on that piece of land. Let us here it from the Eritrean Foreign Minster:-

    “While the United Nations grapples with Sudan and Somalia, it continues to ignore the grave consequences of Ethiopia’s continued occupation of sovereign Eritrean territory, eight years after the ruling of the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC), and three years after the Commission ended its work by depositing in the United Nations the demarcated boundary between the two countries. Ethiopia’s illegal occupation and the United Nations’ silence, which mean the continuation of the conflict, is exacting a heavy price on the peoples of Eritrea and Ethiopia and complicating the regional situation. I wish to remind the United Nations that Eritrea awaits responsible and urgent action to end Ethiopia’s violation of international law and its threat to regional peace and security.”

    Eritrean Foreign Minster

    The story as told by the Ethiopian Foreign Minster goes the following wise

    When we talk about security in the Horn of Africa Region…we cannot avoid raising our concern once again about the destructive role the Government of Eritrea has continued to play since independence.  It is an open secret that the Eritrean Government has for some time now been actively playing the role of the spoiler in the whole tragic situation in Somalia…the Eritrean regime is the principal destabilizer in our sub-region with utter contempt for international law and the norms of international behavior.

    Their accusation and counter accusation has been a daily phenomenon since 1998. The truth would be both to stop preparing proxy warriors  and comply with the UN resolutions.

    Eritrean response to Ethiopian foreign minster

    Ethiopian Delegate On Somalia

    Eritrean Delegate

    Somali Embattled President today the Proxy of Ethiopia in power in Mogadishu Villa  once a Proxy of  Eritrea against Ethiopia

    In the same month of the September the Ethiopian Dictator Melese Zenawie was busy convincing the US academician in Colombia university lying out rightly to the Students of the university:-

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    The Eritro-Ethiopian proxy war has even engaged diaspora of  the two belligerent countries. Those of Somalia have been recruited by Al Shabab to be used as a suicidal bomb in Mogadishu been recruited from the US and the United Kingdom:-US man faces terror charges for support of Somalia’s Al-Shabab

    The following are the classification of the Eritro-Ethiopian Diasporas:-

    1. Those who are Puppet  of the Ethiopian Regime;
    2. Those who are puppet of Eritrean regime;
    3. Those who became international   member of the Eritrean Proxy warriors;
    4. Those who became international   member of the Ethiopian Proxy warriors;
    5. Those  against both Eritrean and Ethiopian regimes;
    6. Those against Eritrean regime not working with the Ethiopian regime;
    7. Those who are against Ethiopian regime not working with the Eritrean  regime;

    The most dangerous  are  those caught with trends of  Somalian Syndrome   N° 3 and N°4″.

    The N° 1  are for example those  manifesting  in supporting of  Melese Zenawie in his recent Colombia University venue :-

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    Is Eritrea becoming a destabilising force?