“Eritrean authoritarianism is Hemorrhaging its legitimacy”, Critical reading of ICG’s Report by Muse Tegegne, Prof

Elusive Peace of Frères Enemie

The recent ICG group analysis about  Eritrea   has been based on sets of  journalistic  ideological premises which concluded that ;   “ Authoritarianism  is Hemorrhaging Eritrean legitimacy of the state and  leading to become a fallen state“  from  being a   Siege state.”  The same analysis is fully applicable to the Ethiopian regime led by Asmara’s boy    Melese Zenawie.  ICG’s    stated objective on writing the Report N° 163 of 21 Sep 2010 is supposedly

“To prevent Eritrea from becoming the Horn of Africa’s next failed state “. This is Report in contradiction with different international analysis given to the definition of failed state to this day. Furthermore,   the report failed to give the   definition and deference between failed and siege states.  It rather enumerated historical chronology of events than defining the dynamics of a failed or regime in siege.  The paper lucks a conceptual and methodological frame work or a research approach to a failed state.

If we take the 2009 failed state index according to Foreign Policy, Eritrea  stood 36th 20 point better than Ethiopia on the 16th place  among 177 countries of the world failed state index, that simply means Ethiopia is worst than Eritrea. This analysis has given detailed parameters that defined failed states. While   the ICG Report did not even defined what a state in siege means in order to demonstrate Eritrean domestically aggravated siege. The Fund for peace defined Failed sates based on the following indicators:-

The Twelve Indicators according to THE FUND FOR PEACE are
Click on an indicator to see some examples of measures that may be included in the analysis of that indicator. These are neither exclusive nor exhaustive. You can add more measures, as appropriate. 

Social Indicators
I-1.  Mounting Demographic Pressures
I-2.  Massive Movement of Refugees or Internally Displaced Persons creating 
Complex Humanitarian Emergencies
I-3.  Legacy of Vengeance-Seeking Group Grievance or Group Paranoia
I-4.  Chronic and Sustained Human Flight

Economic Indicators
I-5.  Uneven Economic Development along Group Lines
I-6.  Sharp and/or Severe Economic Decline

Political Indicators
I-7.  Criminalization and/or Delegitimization of the State
I-8.  Progressive Deterioration of Public Services
I-9.  Suspension or Arbitrary Application of the Rule of Law and Widespread 
Violation of Human Rights
I-10. Security Apparatus Operates as a “State Within a State”
I-11. Rise of Factionalized Elites
I-12. Intervention of Other States or External Political Actors

Rank Country I-1 I-2 I-3 I-4 I-5 I-6 I-7 I-8 I-9 I-10 I-11 I-12 Total
1 Somalia 9.8 9.9 9.7 8.5 7.7 9.5 10.0 9.9 9.9 10.0 10.0 9.8 114.7
2 Zimbabwe 9.8 9.1 9.1 10.0 9.7 10.0 9.8 9.8 9.9 9.7 9.5 7.6 114.0
3 Sudan 9.0 9.8 9.9 9.0 9.6 7.0 9.8 9.5 9.8 9.7 9.5 9.8 112.4
4 Chad 9.3 9.4 9.8 7.8 9.3 8.3 9.8 9.6 9.5 9.9 9.8 9.7 112.2
5 Dem. Rep. of the Congo 9.7 9.6 8.9 8.1 9.3 8.3 8.6 9.2 9.0 9.7 8.7 9.6 108.7
6 Iraq 8.7 8.9 9.7 9.1 8.6 7.6 9.0 8.4 9.3 9.7 9.6 10.0 108.6
7 Afghanistan 9.3 8.9 9.6 7.2 8.4 8.3 9.8 8.9 8.8 9.9 9.1 10.0 108.2
8 Central African Republic 8.9 9.0 8.6 5.7 9.1 8.4 9.3 9.3 8.9 9.6 9.5 9.1 105.4
9 Guinea 8.5 7.1 8.2 8.6 8.9 8.7 9.8 9.2 9.0 9.4 9.2 8.0 104.6
10 Pakistan 8.3 8.6 9.6 8.3 8.8 6.4 9.1 7.5 8.9 9.5 9.6 9.5 104.1
11 Ivory Coast 8.6 7.8 9.0 8.4 8.1 8.3 9.1 8.0 8.5 8.5 8.5 9.7 102.5
12 Haiti 9.3 5.8 7.3 8.6 8.2 8.9 9.2 9.5 8.5 8.4 8.3 9.8 101.8
13 Burma 9.0 8.8 8.9 6.0 9.5 8.2 9.5 9.0 9.0 8.4 8.7 6.5 101.5
14 Kenya 9.0 9.0 8.6 8.3 8.8 7.5 9.0 8.0 8.2 8.0 8.8 8.2 101.4
15 Nigeria 8.5 5.3 9.7 8.3 9.5 6.6 9.2 9.0 8.6 9.4 9.6 6.1 99.8
16 Ethiopia 9.4 8.0 8.2 7.7 8.8 8.3 7.9 8.2 8.5 7.5 8.8 7.6 98.9
17 North Korea 8.5 6.0 7.2 5.0 8.8 9.6 9.8 9.6 9.5 8.3 7.8 8.2 98.3
18 Yemen 8.8 7.9 7.7 7.4 8.9 8.2 8.3 8.5 7.7 8.4 9.0 7.3 98.1
19 Bangladesh 8.9 6.9 9.4 8.4 9.0 8.0 8.5 8.0 7.6 8.0 8.9 6.5 98.1
20 East Timor 8.4 9.0 7.3 5.7 6.8 8.4 9.4 8.4 7.0 9.0 8.8 9.0 97.2
21 Uganda 8.7 9.3 8.0 6.5 8.7 7.6 8.0 8.0 7.7 8.2 8.2 8.0 96.9
22 Sri Lanka 7.5 9.3 9.8 6.9 8.5 6.1 9.0 6.6 8.5 9.2 9.2 6.1 96.7
23 Niger 9.5 6.4 8.5 6.3 7.6 9.2 8.7 9.5 8.2 7.4 7.1 8.1 96.5
24 Burundi 9.2 8.1 7.5 6.5 8.4 8.0 7.5 9.0 7.6 7.3 7.7 8.9 95.7
25 Nepal 8.3 6.8 8.7 6.0 9.3 8.5 8.0 7.4 8.7 8.1 8.4 7.2 95.4
26 Cameroon 8.0 7.5 7.2 8.0 8.9 6.9 9.2 8.0 8.0 7.8 8.7 7.1 95.3
27 Guinea-Bissau 8.6 6.5 5.8 7.0 8.5 8.5 8.6 8.7 8.0 8.5 8.0 8.1 94.8
28 Malawi 9.3 6.3 5.9 8.3 8.5 9.1 8.3 8.8 7.5 5.6 7.8 8.4 93.8
29 Lebanon 7.0 9.0 9.2 7.2 7.4 6.3 7.8 6.2 6.9 9.1 9.1 8.3 93.5
30 Republic of Congo 8.9 7.8 6.5 6.1 8.0 8.0 8.6 8.8 7.9 7.8 7.1 7.6 93.1
31 Uzbekistan 7.9 5.3 7.4 7.0 8.7 7.2 9.0 6.6 9.2 9.0 9.0 6.5 92.8
32 Sierra Leone 8.9 6.9 6.6 8.5 8.4 8.6 7.4 8.7 7.0 6.1 7.7 7.3 92.1
33 Georgia 6.4 8.3 8.5 6.0 7.5 6.0 9.0 6.3 7.5 7.9 8.9 9.5 91.8
34 Liberia 8.6 8.0 6.1 6.8 8.5 8.2 7.0 8.5 6.7 6.9 7.9 8.6 91.8
35 Burkina Faso 9.0 6.0 6.1 6.5 9.0 8.2 7.9 9.0 6.5 7.5 7.6 8.0 91.3
36 Eritrea 8.6 7.0 5.8 6.5 6.0 8.6 8.6 8.6 7.9 7.4 7.7 7.6 90.3
37 Tajikistan 8.2 6.4 6.9 6.5 7.3 7.5 8.9 7.6 8.6 7.5 8.4 6.5 90.3
38 Iran 6.5 8.5 7.6 6.8 7.4 5.5 8.3 6.0 8.9 8.6 9.1 6.8 90.0

The ICG report further accused the Ethiopian regime as a responsible and not Eritrea for the Somalian crisis as a traditional enemy contradicting to the recent UN sanction.  ICG recognized Eritrean support for the proxy warriors of the region from Somalia up unto Darfur passing by Ethiopia. The Report in term failed to make the real comparison between the two failed states since both countries are preparing proxies   against each other and by extension in Somalia. They preferred to fight via proxy in Somalia than in Bademe, Asmara, and Mekele etc… The UN sanction would have been imposed on both failed sates of the Horn of Africa not only Eritrea. Since both uses Somalia as their battle ground for proxy wars.

ICG affirmed that the recent Gold Bonanza of Eritrea will strengthen her 20 years radical line of action in domestic and regional polices. I think we have to wait rather than making a precipitated prediction, since “one who laughs last laughs the best,” when it comes to the Horn of Africa. It is expected a full reversement of relation in the region even between Addis and Asmara in the very short foreseeable future. Since it is very easy to make peace with once friend today’s enemy rather than acquire a new one in the complex socio political situation of the Horn of Africa.

The International Crisis Group (ICG) in its Report N°153, 4 Sep 2009 has well demonstrated   the Ethiopian regime’s Ethnic Federalism and its decentralized state. Its Report N°141 of 17 Jun 2008 was pertinence to the point by demonstrating the fragile peace between Eritrea and Ethiopia   with a risk to a new confrontation.  The report further affirmed that their No Peace No War situation  is a  major source of instability  for  Somalia as demonstrated  with that of  Ethiopia’s refusal to accept virtual demarcation,  and affirming  that   Asmara’s unilateral implantation    would  shatter  the status quo.   This last assessment was proved wrong; despite to the ICG’s 2 years old report the conflict did not spark   Scaramouch leading to war to this day.

We think that ICG’s in the future has to make an objective report without making impartiality between the Horn of Africa’s belligerent failed states.  These failed states of the Horn act like they have a hidden red telephone between the two discussing the arts and the techniques how to maintain each other in their respective power via proxy war in Somalia. IF a new public dialog between the two is struck, the next day the Somali proxy war will end. They are the instigator of the 20 years of crisis one way or another, Somalia has been a stateless since they came to power almost two decades ago. When you see Eritrean leaders you have seen Ethiopian leaders, since they are the opposite faces of the same coin.

Any foreseeable   analyses to make a reasonable   prediction  about   these two failed states is not an easy task   using  traditional  simplistic  journalistic affirmations,  which are generally  hasty  and full of  highlight  and  short of  any substance. And it is not that simple to grasp or understand the internal dynamics of the horn of Africa’s politics to engage oneself to   make any reasonable futuristic prediction.

Please read the different Report on Eritrea and Ethiopia and make your comment directly to the group.

Prof. Muse Tegegne

OverviewFull PDF report |

Is Eritrean policy shift just “tactical”?

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Eritrea: The Siege State

To prevent Eritrea from becoming the Horn of Africa’s next failed state, the international community must engage more with the country.

Eritrea: The Siege State , the latest report from the International Crisis Group, analyses the fragile political and economic situation following the devastating war with Ethiopia (1998-2000). Just a decade ago, Eritrea might reasonably have been described as challenged but stable. Today it is under severe stress, if not yet in full-blown crisis. While not likely to undergo dramatic upheaval in the near future, it is weakening steadily. Its economy is in free fall, poverty is rife, and the authoritarian political system is haemorrhaging its legitimacy.

“As Eritrea continues on this trajectory, its current economic and political problems are only going to deepen”, says Andrew Stroehlein, Crisis Group’s Director of Communications. “While there is no open protest at the moment, the government cannot take this for granted over the long term. Change is really only a matter of time”.

The militarism and authoritarianism which now define Eritrea’s political culture have their roots in the region’s violent history. The 30-year war for independence – achieved in 1991 – was part of a network of conflicts which devastated north-east Africa. The real significance of that legacy has only become clear in the last decade, as President Isaias Afwerki and a small cohort of ex-fighters have strengthened their grip on power, while suppressing social freedoms in favour of an agenda centred on an obedient national unity and the notion that Eritrea is surrounded by enemies.

Eritrea has fought in recent years, directly or indirectly, with Ethiopia, Yemen, Djibouti and Sudan and involved itself in various ways in the conflicts in eastern Sudan, Darfur and Somalia. Relations with Ethiopia in particular remain extremely tense, in large part because Ethiopia has failed to abide by its Algiers Peace Agreement commitment to accept binding arbitration on their disputed border. (The boundary commission ruled that the town of Badme – the original flashpoint of the war – was in Eritrea.) The UN Security Council’s failure to compel compliance reinforced the sense in Asmara that the international community is inherently hostile. While Eritrea asserts that it is pursuing legitimate national security interests, its aggressive approach and abrasive tone have left it increasingly isolated.

The army has been the key stabilising force, but it is becoming less stable, riddled with corruption and increasingly weak. National service – originally intended to build the country – could well prove one of the catalysts for the regime’s eventual collapse. Some form of demobilisation is required but cannot happen overnight, as society and the economy are incapable of immediately absorbing tens of thousand former soldiers. A holistic approach is urgently needed and requires outside help. Instead of pushing the regime into a corner, the international community should engage with Eritrea on the basis of a greater understanding about the country’s past and current grievances. This might well remove one of the regime’s key rationales and ultimately empower more reform-minded and outward-looking elements within the ruling People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) and wider society.

“It is inadequate and unhelpful simply to portray Eritrea as the regional spoiler”, says Ernst Jan Hogendoorn, Crisis Group’s acting Africa Program Director. “It is also the product of the political environment of the Horn as a whole. Ultimately, everything is interconnected, and a more comprehensive, integrated approach is needed by the international community to treat the severe problems confronting Eritrea and the region”.

Ethiopians are dying baking Injera than Aids and Malria, UN

Respiratory illness from cooking on primitive stoves, like this one in Ethiopia, will be causing 4,000 premature deaths each year by 2030 if nothing is done to address the problem.

Respiratory illness from cooking on primitive stoves, like this one in Ethiopia, will be causing 4,000 premature deaths each year by 2030 if nothing is done to address the problem.

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Marianne Lavelle

National Geographic News

September 21, 2010

Respiratory illness from cooking on primitive stoves, like this one in Ethiopia, will be causing 4,000 premature deaths each year by 2030 if nothing is done to address the problem.

Photograph by Lynn Johnson, National Geographic

This story is part of a special series that explores energy issues. For more, visit The Great Energy Challenge.

The United Nations’ goals for fighting extreme poverty—an effort being assessed at a summit this week in New York—will fall short unless nations also work to bring electricity and modern, safe cooking technology to the billions of “energy-poor” people around the globe, a new report says.

The worsening problem of energy poverty, however, can be solved without breaking the banks of nations—and without a significant worsening of the climate change problem, said the study released Tuesday by the International Energy Agency (IEA) and two UN bodies, the Development Programme (UNDP) and the Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO).

Providing modern energy to the very poor—the population that the United Nations seeks to reach in its Millennium Development Goals program—would require an annual investment of about $41 billion per year over the next five years, or just 0.06 percent of global GDP, said the report.

Tackling the larger goal of universal energy access— reaching all 1.4 billion people who lack access to electricity and the 3 billion relying on unventilated and inefficient wood, charcoal, and dung cooking stoves—would require only a modest increase in carbon dioxide emissions, the report calculated. That’s because the amount of fuel needed to address basic needs is small, and the opportunities for using cleaner energy are great. If the world takes the problem on, by 2030, global electricity generation would be just 2.9 percent higher, oil demand would rise less than 1 percent and carbon emissions would be just 0.8 percent higher than the world’s current trajectory.

“This is what is most compelling—the evidence that there is no reason why we should not make this commitment,” said Kamal Rijal, the UNDP’s policy adviser on sustainable energy and co-author of the report. “The money is not a problem and in terms of climate it is also not as big as people think. And from a health standpoint, it would save so many lives.”

More Deadly Than AIDS

The report said that if nothing is done to address energy poverty, by 2030 nearly 4,000 people per day around the world will die due to the toxic smoke and indoor fires from unsafe primitive cookstoves—more than the premature death estimates for malaria, tuberculosis, or HIV/AIDS. The “greatest challenge,” the report said, is in sub-Saharan Africa, where only 31 percent of people have electricity and 80 percent are using so-called “traditional biomass” for cooking. Exposure to burning crop waste, wood, or dung burned on open fires causes lung and heart disease as well as acute respiratory ailments.

The report was released amid a three-day summit on progress toward the UN’s Millennium Development Goals, a kick-off to this week’s opening of the General Assembly. Nearly 140 heads of state and high-ranking government officials were expected to attend the session to identify what remains to be done to reach the goal adopted by the UN in 2000 to address the world’s most extreme poverty by 2015.

Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has signaled that he views access to energy as essential for reaching that goal, after a special advisory panel this spring detailed the importance of energy in assuring proper function of health clinics and schools, providing pumping capacity for clean water and sanitation, and assuring delivery of food. Ban is expected to call on the United Nations to adopt a goal of universal world energy access by 2030.

Of course, the UN already had has trouble gaining the financial commitments needed to achieve its Millennium Development Goals on poverty without adding a new challenge on energy. The UN has called for nations to set aside 70 cents of every $100 generated by their economic activity to fight poverty. But only five European countries now meet that level of giving, and the United States, which has never agreed to the target, spends no more than 20 cents per $100 of GDP.

 

Targeting Solutions For Rural Poor

To finance global energy solutions for the poor, aid agencies will need to break from thinking that they need to fund huge projects or model initiatives, said Thomas Taha Rassam Culhane, co-founder of Solar CITIES, a nonprofit organization that works with residents of the poorest neighborhoods in Cairo, Egypt, and other African countries to install rooftop solar water heaters and home-scale biofuel systems. Instead, Culhane, who was a 2009 National Geographic Emerging Explorer, argues that aid organizations should use their financial clout to buy in huge quantity the materials needed for small energy and cooking projects and make them available to people in poor communities at a radically reduced cost. That would liberate their innovation and entrepreneurial skills, he says.

For example, a biogas digester that takes less than a day to turn kitchen scraps and other organic waste into clean-burning methane that can be used for cooking and electricity would cost $400. “For people living on $2 a day, this is a tough investment,” said Culhane. But with help to buy such systems for groups of residents, communities could easily switch from primitive cookstoves and tackle waste-related health problems at the same time.

“We need to emphasize ‘parts and patterns’ rather than ‘packages and services,’ ” he said. “People can be fairly easily given capacity building training to solve their own energy problems.”

(Related: “Cairo Slums Get Energy Makeover”)

Just such an effort to address the cookstove problem was launched Tuesday by the United Nations Foundation, the nonprofit begun by media billionaire Ted Turner to support the UN in its work. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced a $50 million U.S. contribution to the public-private partnership, the Global Alliance for Clean Cookstoves.

In addition to biogas digesters, potential solutions include advanced biomass cookstoves that greatly reduce the products of incomplete combustion, and stoves that use liquefied petroleum gas, or LPG (of which propane is a form).

(Related: “Grant Helps Explorers Turn Garbage Into Fuel”)

Advanced biomass and biogas are considered carbon-neutral fuel sources by some experts, because they offset more emissions than they create. And even though LPG is not free of greenhouse gas emissions, it would greatly reduce global warming and health impacts compared with fuels currently used in primitive cookstoves. Inefficient wood and waste stoves create black carbon particulate emissions, a large contributor to climate change that has a devastating impact on health. Women and children are disproportionately affected by respiratory illnesses such as pneumonia that can be caused by breathing in the smoke, says Richenda Van Leeuwen, senior director on energy and climate for the UN Foundation.

A variety of financing approaches—public-private partnerships like the cookstove alliance and microfinance—will be needed to reach the world’s energy-poor, said Van Leeuwen. The UN Foundation is working on coordinating a group of 20 UN agencies to develop a multi-year campaign to address the energy poverty issue.

Solar technology is one way to reach the world’s energy poor at an affordable cost, said Van Leeuwen. Even though the cost of big solar arrays on homes in the developed world continue to be expensive, solar lamps with battery storage that could provide good night lighting in a room and enough power to charge a cell phone are available for less than $30, she said. “While solar might be one of the most expensive options for rich people, it might be one of the least costly for the poor,” she said.

(Related: “Solar Brings Light to Quake-Darkened Haiti”)

For the energy-poor who live outside of cities, local energy solutions such as solar or wind energy would be less expensive than connection to centralized power stations by extending electrical grids, the IEA-UNDP report said. About 85 percent of the people in the world who lack electricity live in rural areas, the report said.

The IEA has calculated that 100 kilowatt-hours per person annually is the amount of electricity needed to provide basic energy needs to those who now have none. The average U.S. household, with about three people, uses 11,040 kilowatt-hours per year.

Ethiopian Miracle Food

InjeraThey look like pancakes but dont call them that. I did and heard that it is so wrong. This is the number one staple food in Ethiopia and it is more like bread made from fermented batter.

Ingera is made from a cereal grain that is unique known as Tef. Though t’efs is unique to Ethiopia it is diverse in color and habitat. Tef is a member of the grass genus Eragrostis or lovegrass. T’ef will grow in many areas it is not an easy crop to farm. One problem in particular is that the weight of the grain bends the stem to the ground.

Tef is nutritional miracle food. It contains two to three times the iron of wheat or barley. The calcium, potassium and other essential minerals are also many times what would be found in an equal amount of other grains. Tef has 14% protein, 3% fat and 81% complex carbohydrate.

Tef is the only grain to have symbiotic yeast. Like grapes, the yeast is on the grain so no yeast is added in the preparation of ingera.

Tef is milled to flour and made into batter. the batter is allowed to sit so the yeast can become active. When the batter is ready it is poured on a large flat oven and allowed to cook. This process is much harder than it sounds and it is recommended buying from an Ethiopian Market or Restaurant in your area. Make sure it is Tef Ingera not a substitute Western grains.


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Belaye Zeleke & Omar Mukhtar African Patriots against Fascism , Muse Tegegne, Prof

Dejazmach Belay  Zeleke (በላይ ዘለቀ )  an Ethiopian and  Omar Muktar ( عمر المختار  )   a Libyan,  fought   successfully against the expansion of  Fascism  in  the African continent.

Belaye was born in 1896 in Bichena district in Gojjam province of Ethiopia.  1896 is a historical and   symbolical year for all Africans, a year the King of Kings of Ethiopia Menlik II won the war in Adwa and stopped the African Scramble led by the Italian Army from Eritrean colony.
Omar Mukhtar was born in Benghazi, Libya 1862 in mist of the new effervescence   Muhammad Ibn Ali s-Sanussiy Islamic movement in Libya.  Sanussiy established a powerful religious movement   from Walad Sidi Abdalla tribe tracing his descent from Fatimah, the daughter of Mohammed. Sanussiy‘s took over Libya and start resistance against Ottoman occupation. The New insurgency against Fascism after Italian  victory over the Turks was led by Omar Mukhtar. Mukhtar  , The Elected One,  led this  highly  closed movement of Sanussiy  which   become the  bases of Islamic  resistance against  the African Scramble  in Sahara  and  fought the French in Chad  and the Italian in the North.

In 1911 the Italy organized an African conquest as revenge   to the 15 years old defeat in Abyssinia by Menlik II.  Libya & Italy,  as a part of ancient Carthaginian civilization, was    highly connected in their historical past become  the center of Italian ambition  as a stepping   stone for  North and  East African conquest. Italian Fascist leader Benito Mussolini launched his infamous “Riconquista” of Libya as a reminiscence    of the Roman Empire, calling back  the original conquest  2000 years before.”

Italy successfully dislocated the Turks from the costs of Libya in the “Tripolitania war” which lasted   from 9, 1911 to October 18, 1912. The war of Tripolitania has marked history and become the turning point to Italian abolition in the north and eastern Africa :-

1. It  was at Tripolitania    that  the future  of modern Libya and Turkey was  sealed and  become the seedbed  for the  for the coming   WWI,
2.   the War of Tripolitania provoked   the Serbian nationalism  and the long  process of Balkanization  of the region leading to the WWI;
3.  It was in the  War of Tripolitaniais  that the future founder of modern Turkey, Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) showed his performance and distinguished himself as a great leader.
4. After the war of  Tripolitania  the Italina brought Eritreans  to fight against  against Omar Muktar;
5. It was  from this experience   and massacre of the Libyan at Tripolitania that  Italy lunched  a chemical war against    Ethiopia  by plane for the first time ;
6.  It  was the  war of  Tripolitania  which gave the birth of the Omar Muktar on the mountains of Jabal al-Akhdar in Cyrenaica .
7.   It was after Tripolitania the destiny of Ethiopia’s    Belay Zeleke was sealed  by the following  fascist attack of his country in 1934 announcing the WWII.

Italy   made her first victory  against the  the Ottoman Turks since the great defeat with Ethiopia in 1896. Turkey never able to reorganize itself since  coming out of the War of Crimea against  Russia. Italy used her Ascari  Eritrean soldiers  giving the last  blow to the Ottoman Empire which occupied the known world for over 700 years(1299 to 1923) . Furthermore,  Italy from this victory against the once strong Ottoman Empire starts having ambition to rebuild Rome  as in the past. It was  Tripolitania  that the 2nd trumpet was    blown against  Abyssinia.  Mussolini   started  preparing for  a long drown in   East African invasion by preparing over 60 thousand  thousands  Eritrean / Somalian Ascari as  an indigenous soldiers from East Africa. They were enrolled in the Corps of Colonial TroopsRegio Corpo di Truppe Coloniali. Ascari  troops played an important role in the conquest of the various colonial possessions of the Kingdom of Italy, further organized as a full  garrison in war and  internal security forces in time of  peace in the short lived East African  Italian Empire. They were prepared  mainly  were  employed against the Omar Mukhtar’s resistance in Libya  and Belay’s rebellion  in Ethiopia .

After the defeat of the previous Turkish rulers of the coast of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica had been  occupied, Omar al Mukhtar organized the resistance of the Islamic  Senussi orders . He successfully  led a fierce guerrilla war against the  Italian occupiers in the mountains of Jabal al-Akhdar in Cyrenaica up unto  his capture and  execution  in 1931, which marked  the end of the Libyan war  and the beginning  of the Italian east African adventure against Belaye Zeleke for 5 years in the Nile region.

Belay  reached  to maturation  and he was a man of 40 when the Italian bombarded  Ethiopia  after killing over 200, 000 civilians  Cyrenaica  and Tripolitania, but in Ethiopia they used chlorine gas  killing over 1 .5 million Ethiopians.  In 1936 war , the Ethiopians  front was forced to retreat   by sophisticated  Italian war machine  prepared to revenge the 1896 European defeat using poisonous gas . A a  bloody battle was fought in  Tembien in Tigray, and  Maichew in Wollo which cost  a lot of lives in both sides . Mostly the Eritrean Ascari and Ethiopians scored the highest victims.

Italy’s  revenge  on Ethiopia was to use its own people  the Eritreans against herself . This was done by preparing over  60,000   Ascaris led by  veterans  of 1896  African war where 5,000 Eritrean Ascaris were killed. This methodology used by the Italian fascists in its East and north African Champagne  against  Belay Zeleke’s  troops and earlier against Omar Muktar in Libya. A best  way to reduce the fascist victims  and letting the  Africans  to kill one another and eventually reduce the population of  occupied territories was the Mussolines master plan agisnt the Abyssinias  in Eritrea and Ethiopia.

King of Kings  Haile Selassie left the country  to go to Europe  for a demand  to stop the genocide of his people by the fascist regime of Mussolini, presenting his case in front of the League without any success.

The internal rebellion was organized  and led by Ethiopia  patriots   especially that of Belay Zeleke . His insurgency in Gojjam  killed many fascist soldiers even capture a general. He stopped the Italian  troops to cross the Nile and occupy is definitively. His  rebellion in the  region of Gojjam block the Italian from crossing the  the Nile region successfully.

In early 1931,  Mukhtar  after 20 years struggle  was  wounded  and captured by the Italian fighters. Omar  Mukhtar was tried by the fascist marshal court    “convicted” and was  hanged on September 16, 1931 at his refusal to recognize Libya as  a part of Italian territory , and was hanged declaration:-

“Inna lillahi wa inna ilayhi raji’un.” (“To God we belong and to Him we shall return.”).

The death of Omar Mukhtar is glorious since he died in the hand of his enemies, but that of  Belay Zeleke was  shamefully and  brutally executed by the order of  his own Emperor after being imprisoned. The principal reason  was the fear of the emperor  to his rebellion  if he was left as a governor of his  liberated region of Gojjam and   Eastern Wello the land of his mother,  rather he was demoted as a ruler of a smaller district  in Gojjam which he contested .  In history of Ethiopia there was no  king who left his people in war time  and went to  exile   and came back  to power, except the Negus . The king of kings Tewoderos died fighting the  British in 1868 in Mekedla,  and the King of Kings Yohanus IV died fighting the Dervish in  Metema.  The second  ruler who shamefully abandoned Ethiopia to the dictatorial regime of Melese is Mengistue Haile Mariam today lamenting in exile in Zimbabwe.  The post war true power of Ethiopia belonged to Belay  according to the Ethiopian legacy a hero defeating the enemy always was coroneted as a king. The king himself came through the liberated territory of Gojjam with the help of the British  and  the support of  Belaye Zeleke whom he met in Debere Marcos the capital his  liberated region  Gojjam in 1941. But Emperor later corrected the error committed by  the court and  visited Gojjam,  compensated the heroes of the land and let the peasantry live free of tax.

In his hanging Belay Zeleke  regretted that he did not die in hand of his enemy.  In the following three decades his region revolted and fought three wars  and   become ungovernable to the last days of the Emperor.

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Somalia TGS’ rift Al Shabab’s domino

Somalia the Kurdistan of Africa was known as Puntland prehistorically by the ancient Egypt.  Since the Scramble of Africa the Somalis have gone through war and unprecedented conflict.   The Somalis are found today in Kenya, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Puntland, Somaliland and Somalia.

In the post colonial period the Somalis have been victim of extremism and continue foreign intervention: – the US in 94/95, Ethiopia 2006, and recently they become the center of conflict piracy and instability in the horn of Africa. Most importantly they have been the battle ground for Eritrean and Ethiopian Proxy wars which engulfed the countries of the Great Lakes Uganda and Burundi under sponsored by AU.   A transitional Government has been established under the auspices of the AU and the UN.

The recent rift between the two top leader of the embattled Somalia is about to collapse mostly from the weakness and the    ambivalent   engagement of the AU troops.

The Transitional government of Somali is highly weakened by three principal factures namely:-

Firstly  the  clan politics installed in the colonial past   inside  Somalia,  and  the recent TGS which by the rift between the two rivals in power- Sharif Ahmed, President and   the Premier Sharmarke;

Secondly by a Strong Al Shabab & the Militias advancement supported by the countries of the Red Se cost;

Thirdly by non commitment of the AU member countries to give unconditional support to TGS, and those engaged are half heartedly employed as means to boom the position of the supporting countries strong men’s international stand rather than resolving the Somalian Question Definitively.

All these factors are working indirectly for Al Shabab’s advancement.  The continuous polemic between the two will collapse the AU supported TGS if not resolved internally. TGS could not be able   to control outside the   President’s office residence and the Air port which was targeted by the suicide bombers of Al Shabab few days earlier. The Resent Al Shabab’s   bomb blast at Muna Hotel killed some member of TGS parliament sending shock waves to the AMSOM troops lamenting in Mogadishu. The recent Al-Shabab attack   forced the Ugandan president to send additional troops to help the government in its last battle against Al-Shabab.

The 6000 strong AU peace keeping force did not succeed to subdue the supposedly Al Qaida supported Somalian street fighters. They are indirectly supported by the government of the Red Sea costs who opposes the Ethiopian and AU supported TGS forces on the ground.   Red Sea governments like Yemen, Eritrea and Egypt opposes the definitive secession Somaliland. The newly elected Islamic Unity party is highly advised to take over Mogadishu by these governments which see their interest compromised.  The newly independent Somaliland on the Cost of the Red sea serving as an Ethiopian out let than that of the Traditional Djibouti and Eritrea will weaken their economic and geostrategic interest in long term if the port of Barbara becomes the principal port in the Indian Ocean for the Ethiopian and the newly independent Southern Sudan outlet.

The continues division between the two top leaders  will precipitate the  end of the TGS as we know it,  and will be bring a new change breaking the status quo. The TGS Premier seemingly has assured the support of the Parliament and some countries around the region against President Sharif.

Somalia’s prime minister resigns amid tensions

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UN wants transitional government to end squabbling as it warns about insurgents becoming a serious security threat.

The UN says the al-Shabab group is increasingly posing a serious international security threat [Reuters] 14 Sep 2010

The United Nations has warned that Somalia insurgents are posing a serious international security threat and made a renewed appeal to the transitional government to end the civil conflict.

The rise of the al-Shabaab movement has raised concerns among western governments, in addition to the pirates operating out of Somalia ports.

Somalia will be in the spotlight during a debate at the Security Council on Thursday and a top level ministerial meeting on the conflict at the UN General Assembly summit next week.

Ban Ki-moon, the UN secretary-general, said “horrific” suicide bomb attacks by al-Shabaab followers in Uganda in July had shown the growing threat from the al-Qaeda inspired group.

Some 76 people were killed in that attack.

‘Security threat’

“The attacks demonstrated that al-Shabaab remains a serious security threat for Somalia, the sub-region and the wider international community,” Ban said in a report to the Security Council on Monday.

The UN report said the Somali capital’s “already weak health services are struggling to cope with casualties”, citing thousands of reported deaths in Mogadishu this year.

A special envoy for Ban, Augustine Mahiga, an African Union envoy, Boubacar Diarra, and an East African peace envoy, Kipruto Arap Kirwa, were at Mogadishu airport on Thursday to meet Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, the head of the transitional government, when a suicide bomber killed five people there.

The three envoys said on Monday the government is in disarray and warned that the divisions were “potentially very damaging” to efforts to end the chaos.

The transitional government is scheduled to end in August 2011, and analysts say it has achieved little so far.

Political battles

Repeated political battles in recent months have seen the president dissolve the cabinet and the parliament speaker resign.

“Somali forces and [AMISOM troops] risk their lives each day to protect the transitional federation institutions and defend the integrity of the peace process,” the three envoys said in a statement released in Nairobi.

“The leaders and politicians need to demonstrate their unity of purpose to show they are working together to restore peace to Somalia.”

Ban sent a similar message highlighting international efforts to promote peace in spite of the “internal disputes” and “political complications”.

The UN chief said the international financial crisis has hit efforts to boost the African peacekeeping force.

“I remind all parties to the conflict that those found responsible for war crimes will face justice,” Ban said.

“In that regard I support the proposal to document the most serious violations committed, as an essential step in the fight against impunity.”

Related

Rift threatens Somali government

Somalia airport comes under attack

Caught between arms and politics

911 Ethiopian New Year Calculated or Accidental, US Morns While Ethiopia” Rejoices” ? Muse Tegegne, Prof.

The 9th anniversary of the 911 is tragically coinciding with the Ethiopian New Year especially that of 2001.  On the same day when the the US morns Ethiopia rejoices. Ethiopia rejoices not on the 911 victims but that of the New Year in her Calendar.  It is   often known as the Julienne originating from Enoch’s antediluvian based    Calendar has gone through modification in the course of time.  Such symbolical coincidence with 911 could not be taken as a mere accident of hazard that could happen once in million.

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September 11, 2001 falls 10 years before the change of the regime in Russian and its satellite state in Ethiopia 1991 and that of Somalia. In Sudan 1989 a historical Islamic coup took place   in 1989 which brought Ben Laden himself to Khartoum to start his project with Omar Al Bashir where they established secret training camps in the region.  In Ethiopia 7 year after an unfinished war with Eritrea rekindled in 1998.

911 terrorism acts was extended to US   exactly 9 month after the 12 December 2000 peace agreement signed between Eritrea   and Ethiopia after 2 years of   devastating war.  The both ceased hostilities   on 7 months before 911 on   May 25, 2000 and started a proxy war of terrorism in Somalia.  This has forced thousands of refugees quit the region and to flee all over the globe. Many young men were recruited to the Al-Qaida training camps to master the arts of terrorism in Yemen. They graduate as Talem (students) in the model of the Taliban mastering the   extremism doctrines and returned to their Horn of Africa’s practicing ground mainly in Somalia and some even went for mission in the west.

The Horn of Africa fratricide killed over 200′ 000 souls though both claim only 19’000 from Eritrea and 50’000 from Ethiopian side. The future hopefully will reveal the authentic body accountability in both camps. However, such deadly reality will be   revealed   when in both countries a democratic government is established. At the beginning Eritrean and Ethiopian leaders would have not engaged their respective country in war since both were comrade in arms and the region just came out of over three decades of unprecedented war famine and drought. The two leaders will assume the full responsibility of their act in the very coming future.

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The  victims of 911 were:-

“9/11 victims list: 2,974 people are known to have been killed on September 11, 2001. The September 11 death toll takes into account passengers on the four planes, people working at the World Trade Center early in the morning, firefighters and police officers who arrived on the scene to help people escape, and Pentagon staff.”

September 11, 2001 falls 10 years before the change of the regime in Russian and its satellite state in Ethiopia 1991 and that of Somalia. In Sudan 1989 a historical Islamic coup took place   in 1989 which brought Ben Laden himself to Khartoum to start his project with Omar Al Bashir where they established secret training camps in the region.  In Ethiopia 7 year after an unfinished war with Eritrea rekindled in 1998.

911 terrorism acts was extended to US   exactly 9 month after the 12 December 2000 peace agreement signed between Eritrea   and Ethiopia after 2 years of   devastating war.  The both ceased hostilities   on 7 months before 911 on   May 25, 2000 and started a proxy war of terrorism in Somalia.  This has forced thousands of refugees quit the region and to flee all over the globe. Many young men were recruited to the Al-Qaida training camps to master the arts of terrorism in Yemen. They graduate as Talem (students) in the model of the Taliban mastering the   extremism doctrines and returned to their Horn of Africa’s practicing ground mainly in Somalia and some even went for mission in the west.

The Horn of Africa fratricide killed over 200′ 000 souls though both claim only 19’000 from Eritrea and 50’000 from Ethiopian side. The future hopefully will reveal the authentic body accountability in both camps. However, such deadly reality will be   revealed   when in both countries a democratic government is established. At the beginning Eritrean and Ethiopian leaders would have not engaged their respective country in war since both were comrade in arms and the region just came out of over three decades of unprecedented war famine and drought. The two leaders will assume the full responsibility of their act in the very coming future.

Islamophobia in the West & a Proxy war in Horn.

The repercussion and the amplitude of the violence in  the 911 is unexpected terrorist act  have global lasting  impact when compared  the Horn of African fratricide instigated by the two  world known dictators without diminishing its importance   to the victim families. At all cost there is is no bigger or better victims but all are horrendous inhuman act in both 911 and Horn of Africa’s dictatorial war and the Somalian proxy war perpetuated by both regimes to these days.  The main marking deference between the two- the act of 911 has been perpetuated by internationally organized terrorists and the whole planet has been   mobilized to find the perpetrators. When it comes to the Horn of Africa the war has been perpetuate by state terrorism, and the perpetrators   are still in power and nobody is asking them to be accountable to their acts. And shamelessly continue their war through Somalian proxies to this day. They succeeded to drag Uganda and Burundi to this endless terrorism in Somalia. The Somalia wars maintain the two dictators in power, while the 911 act changes dictators from their powers this could be their main difference. Another main difference could after 911 the world starts to stop terrorism but after horn of African war terrorists and proxies are produced every day from the regimes in power.

911 compared to that of the Eritro-Ethiopian war, the former has a global repercussion. This in human twin tower terrorist act has pushed the Western world’s direct reaction and has completely changed the international geopolitical   balance. Since the West has created coalition and declared war to the suspected regimes   and the government of Iraq and Afghanistan were removed from power.   The Number of causalities in horn of African Dictatorial conflict still continues to gallop as a proxy terrorist war and that of 911 still continues to this day accumulates its victims.  The crime of the horn of African proxy war in Somalia is not yet accountable. I t has been the last two years since the countries of the region start to get  involved to the proxy war of the Ethiopian and Eritrean dictators and start counting  unnecessary  victims.

911’s immediate consequence is the provocation of among of the US   local population an Islamophobia. The  Horn of Africa  become the last and the 1st  frontier  for terrorism long  before 911  and that of  Pakistan and Afghanistan  wars. The continues conflict in the Horn is a old plate form for as an extension to the 911act, and as a reflection of global war against terrorism being    exploited by the regional actors for their grip in power.

The US has been criticized to wage a proxy war since after intervention in Somalia from August 1992 to March 1994.  The act of 911 also has a root and a connection in the horn of Africa’s proxy terrorist wars in Somalia and Sudan by marking    and purposely connecting to the Anniversary of the Ethiopian New Year.  Since 911 the proxy war is staged by the two (Eritrea/Ethiopia) belligerent countries as they have tried to pull directly or indirectly the US and its allies to their respective camps. Till to this day no international media has made the correlation between 911 and that of the Ethiopian New Year. Ethiopia as a country has been considered a Christian Island the sea of Islam since the outset of Islam in 7 the century AD.  The west knowingly ignored to draw a parallelism with Ethiopian New Year wrongly thinking that it would have benefited the cause of the Terrorists if Ethiopia was pointed fingers.  The Western world did not take the Abyssinian connection   as a serious filature to look for the perpetuators of the horrendous act of twin towers.

The truth of the matter is the leader the dictatorial regimes of the Horn of Africa who uses the Somalia conflict to assure their grip in power are demanding undo support for their proxy so called anti terrorist war in Somalia. Both regimes have been save heavens for the proxy terrorist warriors in the name of liberations fronts.

The question to be addressed is that – Are this Horn of Africa trainees have any implication in 911 or other terrorist? At Whose order are they been executed? Is there act simply to destabilize one another or they have far reaching repercussions? Answers  to these and some more  Question is  to be  found in the implication of  these regimes struggle  to drag the West  or the rogue states who are in the  western Black list to finance them.  The word terrorist has become a catch word to implicate the west since 911 in any conflict to their side by a government fighting its neighbors or internal rebellion. And the dictators of the horn of Africa master this art.  The Ethiopian regime lulled the US to its Master of Arts game. They have even succeeded to drag the other dictators of the Great lakes to join them in their proxy war in Somalia.

Since  911 t he world  has been concentrating  its attention and its resources  mostly in unidirectional dimension  towards   Iraq  and Afghanistan  with that of Pakistan on the Back ground Iran behind the scene . Now is a high time to change the optic and look in depth at the implication of the of the horn of Africa’s failed states and Yemen , rather than jumping  over to Afghanistan  They have been serving as a spring board to the international terrorism. Ben Laden worked and still has his operatives installed in Sudan when he used to work since 1989 coup of Omar al Bestir.  He had good working operatives in the region. The horn of Africa has been   the master piece as a transitional passage in his terrorists’ attack of the west.  His operatives in Sudan had tried to assassinate with the help of the Ethiopian dictator the Egyptian president even 6 years before 911, in 1995. Since the last world cup blast in Kampala, the Islamophobia in the West and instability in the the Horn of Africa region has been increasing exponentially.

The 9th anniversary of the 911 is coinciding with the construction of the Islamic center two blocks away from the ground zero memorial. This has given a new dynamic to the excitement and the increasing Islamophobia in the US. The  election of Obama  an African American   promising  to disengage  from Iraq and eventually Afghanistan has cooled down  temporarily the new polarities dividing  the ” “Christian West” in one camp  and ” Islamic East ”  on the other while china  raping the fruits of her  Neutrality by financing the continuity of African dictators in power. The Old China helping to fight colonialism and Liberation movements has long gone.

In the country of 911, the declaration   Pastor Terry Jones as a “messenger of God”   to burn   Islamic Sacred book the Quran revived the latent Islamophobia that has been tempered by the new disengagement plan of president Obama. In the European countries the intolerance and Islamophobia has almost tremendously sky rocketed in the last 9 years since 911. Some governments even go as far as to prohibiting a Muslim woman to wear voile in public places while other voted against the ban on the construction of minaret in their country.

In the Horn of Africa Al Shabab the proxy warrior of the African dictators continues attack and sends suicide bombers in and around Mogadishu to mark the 911 anniversary with blood.

The 1998 U.S. Embassy bombings occurred on August 7, 1998 in the mist of  Eritro- Ethiopian war which started four  month earlier  May 1998with a  simultaneous truck bomb explosions at the United States embassies in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania and Nairobi, Kenya.  The US linked the attacks to local members of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad who were also suspected being connected to the 1995 failed tentative to kill the Egyptian President Hosni Meburak in Addis Ababa.  The US diversion to the Egyptian connection helped the Ethiopian regime to be on the side of the US. But in the height of their war  both regimes  were trying to implicate as  much regional countries  to join sides in the conflict  and there were ready to pass to any action to cause the down  fall of the other  by accusing them being responsible to any act in the neighboring countries.  These blasts were the preludes leading to the climax of 911 acts. Thus the Ethiopian New year is not just a simple coincidence to be taken as hazard.

Today   12 years away from Eastern African blast  the  complications of the  horn of African’s  proxy war in Somalia has drug more regional actors to be implicated in the conflict as desired  by the regime in Addis Ababa. Al Shabab preparation took a maturation period of 10 years.  Such incidence seems to put more fire on the already burning    situation by increasing civilian and AU soldiers’ death rates in Mogadishu.

In the Western front of the Horn of Africa is situated the   Southern  Sudan and  Darfur, the Khartoum bought mercenaries known as the  Ugandan Christian a Al Shabab  Lord’s Resistance Army,  LRA is used as a  destabilizing force  against the coming referendum.

911 the Ethiopian New Year “America Morns Ethiopia Rejoices ”

The so called the most stable US Allay the Ethiopian strong man  has  stared  cleaning  his house by  purging his old friends  around him in the eve of 911 anniversary.  Melees Zenawie the Notorious Ethiopian dictator    seems to betray  his own  power base  by firing his own  comrade  at the  eve of the  Ethiopian  New Year   which  dramatically coincided on the same day  911 terrorist attack.  It seems that the terrorist not only made the symbolism of the 911 in the US but also some kind of connection with belligerent   dictatorial Ethiopian regime of Melese Zenawie. The Ethiopian Calendar in 2001 fall on the same day of the 911 attacks and today 9 year after has the same new reverberation coinciding once again with the Ethiopian New Year.  While Ethiopia celibates with happiness and joy the US every year at the same day continues to mourn.

The Horn of Africa with more instability in the Southern Sudan with a coming risky referendum and the Somaliland   taken by the Islamist in the last election. In the genocidal capital of the Great Lake  in  Kigali,   Paul Kagame  succeeded to stay in power  this month by rigging  the election victory  by 93%  for  another 7 year  in power in the image of his friend Melese Zenawie  who “ won”     99.6&%  vote in  May of this year . The worst is that once victim of Genocide Rwanda in 1994 became a genocidal regime itself in 2010. This put in question to the regime’s role on 1994 genocide by refusing to recognize to these day the existence of the Hutu, Tutsi and Twa as distinct people who lived together for centuries. Whey today they have to be denied their cultural identity?  This is done to cover the perpetrator of the African Genocide or to cover some of the higher ranking involved in the 1994 Kigali genocide, or those who gave order to commit the   2002 Congo    atrocities?

The continues  instability of the Horn  would eventually  drawing  Egypt  a country in transition itself to get involved overtly to defend its interest on the Nile   rather than passing through some  regional extremist groups in the region.  Since 1995’s attempted to kill President Hosni Mubarak in Addis Ababa, 1998 Blast in the Horn of Africa, Egypt   has tried to invest in the region to be a partner of development.  It’s investment in mining and farming sector which has been taken by the local population as a new land grabber and exploiter than a genuine investor.

Today as an element of reflection 911 coincidence with the Ethiopian New Year falling on the same day of September 11 is the best indicator to show there is assertion correlation of complicity to the extremist and the dictators of the region had had a role to play as secondary or intermediary complicit to this horrible in human act of 2001 if not directly.

The key in the Horn of Africa’s drown out conflict are the war of the dictatorial regimes. They are using Somalia as their proxy war to maintain their respective power. It is easier to fight through proxy in the streets of Mogadishu than their respective capitals which they tried to prove as a center of stability and continuity to the West. It is easier to implicate any country in the region by simply implanting terrorist acts in that capital; Kampala world cup blast is the best example. This notorious dictators are worst than Charles Taylor and must be stopped before drawing the whole world in their proxy wars in Somalia. They will continue harboring more extremism and conflict training proxy terrorists in each other’s capital if not stopped by international concentration.

The 911 as the Ethiopian New Year is a calculated coincidence of the regimes in the horn of Africa indirectly or instrumentally implicated in the horrendous act will be a case to prove in the coming days.  In politics of terrorism there is no hazard but calculated incidence. The people of Ethiopia must grief the 911 with the Americans rather than rejoicing as the long as the true perpetrators are still out there on run in liberty.  The main culprit and the proxy genocidal terrorist   Melese Zenawie still in power Ethiopian has to morn with people of America for a change. A Fried in Need Is a Friend in Deed…The Ethiopians 10 years before 911 and 10 years after are    suffering from dictator regime. They have to join the US on morning and make that day dark day since it rather than joy and happiness.  It must be being kept in the annals of Ethiopian calendar till the fall of the regime of Melese Zenawie, as a day of lamentation.   Today under his rule more Ethiopian are dying of famine and starvation than ever before in  history, while  their  fertile cultivation lands are grabbed by the international so called   business partner of  the Dedicator.

Prof. Muse Tegegne

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Related :-

9/11 and the 9-Year War

The 9/11 Anniversary and What Didn’t Happen

US troops who have died while serving in Afghanistan and the Horn …

Is ‘constructive disengagement’ the solution in Somalia?

By Daveed Gartenstein-Ross September 11, 2010 8:19 AM

On Thursday, Joshua Foust published an article at PBS’s Need to Know that, though avoiding the term “constructive disengagement,” mirrors the arguments advanced by Bronwyn Bruton’s report for CFR, and those made by Fareed Zakaria in the wake of the bombings al Shabaab executed in Uganda. Though constructive disengagement is often advanced as a minor-league panacea to Somalia’s ills, I tend to have several issues with the way arguments for this solution are constructed, and Foust’s article is no exception. Using Foust’s piece as a basis for discussion, this entry will analyze some of the general problems with the advocacy of constructive disengagement.

I should say up front that I both like and respect Foust. He is smart, typically well-researched, and has little tolerance for sloppy, dishonest, or illogical argumentation. Thus, though I will argue at length that various oversimplifications in the way he frames aspects of the Somalia conflict unfairly shape his conclusion, I do not attribute this to dishonesty on his part. Rather, I think that his unfamiliarity with the Horn of Africa coupled with an over-reliance on the conclusions proffered by various secondary sources causes Foust’s thinking to reflect some of the unwarranted conventional wisdom that can be found in a certain segment of the literature.

Were the Islamic Courts an Islamic bogeyman?

One of the presumptions common to all arguments for constructive disengagement is that the threats of Islamism or jihadism in Somalia have been massively overstated by Western analysts. As Foust writes: “[T]he West seems to obsess on the messy southern part of Somalia, a region almost settled in 2006 by a confederation of Islamist factions, but then disbanded and thrown back into chaos by a misguided U.S. policy that sees Islamic boogeymen [sic] around every corner.” Thus, in Foust’s view, the West’s misperceptions extend back to the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia in 2006, when it intervened on behalf of the UN-recognized transitional federal government, and pushed the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) back from areas that it had come to control. This invasion was supported financially, and in other ways, by the US, and I know of no analyst who would argue that the invasion has gone well. Thus, several sources — including Marc Lynch, Martin Fletcher, Matt Yglesias, and the L.A. Times editorial page — have argued that the real threat was caused by the invasion itself. As the L.A. Times put it: “Al Shabab probably would not exist were it not for the disastrous failure of U.S. policies in Somalia.”

But the fact that the Ethiopian invasion has been frankly disastrous does not prove that the ICU was in fact “relatively moderate” (Lynch’s words), or that al Shabaab would have been marginalized within the ICU absent the invasion. I do not want to revisit the question of what the proper response to the ICU’s rise would have been (a question beyond the scope of this already long entry), but instead challenge the view that the ICU should clearly be understood as a relatively moderate Islamist movement. (I should note that it’s not clear this is precisely Foust’s position, but it’s an argumentative thread that tends to run through advocacy of constructive disengagement, and is suggested by his “Islamic bogeymen” remark.)

Bill Roggio, in a devastating response to one of Yglesias’s contributions to this debate, has pointed out a number of reasons that the ICU was seen as a threat in 2006. Roggio’s response is worth reading in full for those who are interested in this historical question, but I will highlight a few critical points. First, Roggio notes that known al Qaeda operatives served as leaders within the ICU; in fact, one reason I am deeply skeptical of the idea that Shabaab would have been marginalized absent the Ethiopian invasion is that Shabaab’s founder, Aden Hashi ‘Ayro, was the protégé of Hasan Dahir Aweys, who led the ICU’s consultative council. Second, Roggio highlights the training camps within Somalia, and the fact that the ICU’s island fortress of Ras Kamboni also served as “a major command, control, and communications hub for al Qaeda in East Africa.” Third, Roggio points to the presence of foreign fighters in Somalia in 2005 and 2006 (something often associated with the growth of salafi jihadi movements) and the fact that the ICU used Arabic-language propaganda tapes that As Sahab helped to produce to appeal to possible recruits in the Middle East. Moreover, Osama bin Laden gave several rhetorical nods to the Islamic Courts during the course of 2006, after its capture of Mogadishu. And finally, Roggio notes that Shabaab’s now-open lobbying to join al-Qaeda is not new, but “the result of years of links with the global terror organization.”

Despite this, one can still reasonably argue that the perception of the threat emanating from the ICU was overstated. But the problem with virtually every argument I’ve seen that the ICU was an “Islamic bogeyman” is that they do not deal with these facts that give rise to legitimate threat perceptions: instead, such analyses tend to deliberately ignore them. And that is no basis for forming a legitimate threat assessment.

Assessing the threat of al Shabaab

I have spent considerable space critiquing arguments that the ICU was not a real threat for two reasons. First, this is not a mere historical quibble: it is in fact an important part of arguments for constructive disengagement. After all, if the ICU was not a threat, that means that the current jihadist challenge in Somalia is a US creation. This provides a concrete reason to believe that disengagement now would yield better results. Second, looking at the various factors that might have made the ICU itself dangerous can help us assess the current threat posed by al Shabaab.

Foust argues that Shabaab itself should not be seen as a transnational danger. “It’s only in the last 60 days,” he writes, “that al-Shabaab has shown any interest in expanding its activities beyond Somalia proper. And that expansion seems to be purely reactionary—an immune response, of sorts, to foreign intervention in Somalia’s violent power politics.” But this argument, phrased so broadly, is simply untrue: key Shabaab leaders have in fact expressed their interest, repeatedly, in aligning with al Qaeda and striking outside of Somali territory.

One important document defining al Shabaab’s outlook, written by Abu Mansoor al-Amriki (aka Omar Hammami), is entitled “A Message to the Mujaahideen in Particular and Muslims in General,” issued in January 2008. It is by no means the only such ideological statement on Shabaab’s part, but is particularly comprehensive. The document makes Shabaab’s global jihadist outlook clear, and runs directly counter to the claim that the group lacks interests beyond Somalia proper: in fact, Amriki attacks the ICU for having “a goal limited to the boundaries placed by the Taghoot [the impure],” while “the Shabaab had a global goal including the establishment of the Islaamic Khilaafah [caliphate] in all parts of the world.” Amriki also provides an extended discussion of Shabaab’s manhaj, or religious methodology, writing that it “is the same manhaj repeatedly heard from the mouth of the mujaahid shaykh Usaamah Bin Laden … the doctor Ayman ath-Thawaahiri … and the hero, Abu Mus’ab az-Zarqaawi” (distinctively salafi transliterations were in the original).

Since then, other Shabaab leaders have made clear Shabaab’s global jihadist outlook and allegiance with al-Qaeda. Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan, al Shabaab’s now-deceased chief military strategist, formally reached out to al Qaeda’s senior leadership in a 24-minute video entitled “March Forth,” which circuited the jihadi web on Aug. 30, 2008. In it, Nabhan offers salutations to bin Laden and pledges allegiance to “the courageous commander and my honorable leader.” In November 2009, Fazul Abdullah Mohammed, Shabaab’s intelligence chief, was named al Qaeda’s East African commander. Upon being appointed, he said: “After Somalia we will proceed to Djibouti, Kenya, and Ethiopia” — indicating ambitions beyond Somalia’s borders. And in February 2010, Shabaab issued a statement saying it had agreed “to connect the Horn of Africa jihad to the one led by al Qaeda and its leader Sheikh Osama Bin Laden.”

Moreover, al Qaeda leaders have not ignored Shabaab’s overtures. As previously mentioned, the rhetorical nod from al Qaeda’s senior leadership began when the ICU was the dominant Islamist movement in Somalia. But al Qaeda leaders have also lauded Shabaab specifically. On Nov. 19, 2008, Zawahiri responded to Nabhan’s video with one in which he called al Shabaab “my brothers, the lions of Islam in Somalia.” He urged them to “hold tightly to the truth for which you have given your lives, and don’t put down your weapons before the mujahid state of Islam [has been established] and Tawheed has been set up in Somalia.” Bin Laden himself issued a video devoted to al Shabaab in March 2009, entitled “Fight on, Champions of Somalia,” where he addresses “my patient, persevering Muslim brothers in mujahid Somalia.” He explicitly endorsed al Shabaab and denounced Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, comparing him to “Sayyaf, Rabbani, and Ahmed Shah Massoud, who were leaders of the Afghan mujahidin before they turned back on their heels.” Bin Laden explained that Sharif “agreed to partner infidel positive law with Islamic sharia to set up a government of national unity,” and in that way apostatized from Islam.

But perhaps Foust means his statement about Shabaab’s lack of “interest in expanding its activities beyond Somalia proper” more narrowly. Zakaria, for example, downplays the statements emanating from Shabaab and al Qaeda by contending that “Al-Shabab’s ‘links’ with Al Qaeda seem to be mostly rhetoric on both sides.” At the outset, I think commentators like Zakaria are mistaken to brush these statements off so casually, particularly those coming from al Qaeda’s senior leadership. After all, al Qaeda has been very conservative about endorsing other jihadi groups: one example is that, despite al Qaeda’s rhetorical focus on the Israel, it has not endorsed any of the salafi jihadi groups that have emerged in Gaza.

Connections between Shabaab and al Qaeda are a bit less clear at an operational level, in part because much of the relevant information is not publicly available. But there is reason to think that commentators like Zakaria are understating the connection between the two. I have already alluded to interlocking al Qaeda/al Shabaab leadership (as exemplified by Fazul Abdullah Mohammed), and the way al Qaeda was able to gain a foothold in ICU-controlled Somalia, even before the rise of the more-radical al Shabaab (the example of Ras Kamboni). Moreover, earlier this month Kuwait Al-Siyasah Online (a leading independent Arabic-language daily) reported that “more than 200 armed Al-Qaeda elements,” including Anwar al-Awlaki, escaped from fighting with the Yemeni government in the city of Lawdar in Abyan Governorate. Ahmad Ahmad Ali al-Qafish, director general of Lawdar District, told the newspaper “that Saudi, Pakistani, Egyptian, and Syrian nationals were among the al-Qaeda elements who fought in Lawdar, in addition to about eight Somalis from the pro-al-Qaeda al-Shabab al-Mujahidin Movement.” Other counterterrorism analysts have similarly seen increased operational linkages between Shabaab and al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. I think a full discussion of what we do, and do not know, about operational linkages between Shabaab and al Qaeda merits a much more detailed discussion. But suffice it to say that, as with the ICU’s linkages to transnational jihadism, some commentators unfairly give this short shrift.

From the available evidence, I predict that Shabaab will at some point officially merge with al Qaeda, similar to the trajectory that al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) took. If one wishes to argue that Shabaab does not really have transnational ambitions, there is much more analysis and thought to undertake. Merely declaring that only recently did Shabaab show interest outside Somalia, and “that expansion seems to be purely reactionary,” is too flip.

Evaluating constructive disengagement

This response to Foust does not prove that constructive disengagement is a bad idea. But he has not really made his case for it, just as other advocates have failed to do so. Foust’s perception that Shabaab does not pose much of an external threat, just as the ICU did not, causes him to argue that the situation should work itself out with little US involvement. The key precondition for the hands-off approach is that a terrorist safe haven will not emerge that poses a threat to Somalia’s neighbors and the United States, and Foust’s argument falls short of demonstrating this.

Moreover, I have one substantial problem with the solution he offers: “The international community should instead take lessons from Puntland and Somaliland — Somalis are smart, industrious, and care deeply about improving their communities. Why not allow them to take charge of their own fate? With minimal help — providing basic security (which is to be contrasted from the partisan AMISOM approach), building some schools or limited infrastructure development — the rest of Somalia can begin to develop itself.” I should note that I have questions about what “basic security” means, in contrast to the AMISOM approach. The AMISOM approach is clearly riddled with problems, as I have written about at length, but I’m not sure you can solve its ineffectiveness through simple “streamlining.”

Foust is correct that Somaliland and Puntland are better governed and more stable than TFG-governed Somalia (“governed” being used very loosely here), and mentions that Somaliland “has tried to become a sovereign state.” However, he does not mention why. The best case I have heard for Somaliland sovereignty was articulated in a conversation I had earlier this year with Saad Noor, the North American representative of the Republic of Somaliland, who argues that sovereignty is necessary for preventing Somaliland from being dragged down by the problems in the rest of the country. Currently Somaliland cannot enter international agreements and undertake other actions associated with sovereign actors. Noor’s concern is that because of this, at some point the chaos that predominates in TFG Somalia will inevitably spread to Somaliland absent sovereignty.

I am neutral on the issue of Somaliland independence, but the concerns Noor expresses are valid. So this raises a final, critical question: would constructive disengagement have the exact opposite effect that Foust intends? Rather than seeing order spread, might we see chaos spread to the parts of the country that are now stable? That is the danger of constructive disengagement, and thus the reason for much more careful analysis about Somalia than can be seen in some of the constructive disengagement advocates.

———————

How can the U.S. help Somalia?

By Joshua Foust
September 9th, 2010

Hundreds of protesters thronged the streets of Galkayo, a town 450 miles north of Mogadishu, Somalia, on Thursday, protesting the plans by one Florida pastor to burn a pile of Qurans on September 11. It was a surprising outpouring of emotion for the area — Galkayo is in Puntland, a state of Somalia that has gained autonomy from the rest of the country, and though riddled with corruption like any other East African government, has been a beacon of stability and self-government for many years.

Puntland is not its own country, however: because it has never declared independence it is often lumped together with Somalia’s anarchic south. This is too bad, in many ways. Like the nearby region of Somaliland, which has tried to become a sovereign state (no other country has yet recognized it as such), Puntland is a fairly stable place with a slowly developing economy. While recent events, like the July bombings in Kampala, are highlighting the regional challenges the Somali insurgency poses, in the northern half of Somalia two areas, Puntland, and its western neighbor Somaliland, have emerged from the chaos of the 1990s to offer hopeful signs that the country might find peace some day.

Unfortunately, the West seems to obsess on the messy southern part of Somalia, a region almost settled in 2006 by a confederation of Islamist factions, but then disbanded and thrown back into chaos by a misguided U.S. policy that sees Islamic boogeymen around every corner. Last month in Time, Nir Rosen summarized what happened:

The TFG [Transitional Federal Government] failed to transcend the predatory warlord politics that had prevailed for 15 years, and in 2006, the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), an Islamist alliance that eschewed the politics of clans, seized control of Mogadishu, rapidly bringing order and economic improvement to their expanding areas of control, thanks to the enthusiastic support of the Somali business community….

With apparent U.S. approval, Ethiopia used funds provided by Washington to buy weapons from North Korea, smuggling them in through Somaliland — a breakaway region of Somalia desperate for international recognition. The U.S. then backed an Ethiopian invasion to restore the TFG to power. During the ensuing fighting, up to 16,000 Somalis were killed and 1 million were displaced. The Islamist leadership was driven out of Mogadishu. The ICU’s armed wing, known as al-Shabab (the Youth), initiated an insurgency against the Ethiopian occupation and its Somali accomplices and used tactics seen in Iraq, such as improvised explosive devices and suicide bombings. The Shabab had been a radical faction of the ICU, but was far from dominant. The Ethiopian invasion not only ended the ICU experiment in governance but also legitimized the more militant outlook of the Shabab.

Ever since, Somalia proper has become less, not more stable. Ethiopia gradually reduced its presence in Somalia over the course of 2009 —  it was deeply inflammatory, considering the literally centuries of bickering over territorial boundaries. The two countries have fought wars over ownership of the Ogaden desert that separates them, and in 2007 Somali insurgents in Ogaden killed 70 workers at a Chinese-run oil field in the area, prompting a violent crackdown by Ethiopian security services. (Rumors abound that the insurgents slaughtered so many workers in retaliation for Ethiopia’s invasion of Somalia). Nowadays, Uganda fields the majority of the peacekeeping forces in Somalia — prompting at least two bombings so far. Al-Shabaab has promised to attack more targets inside Uganda if they don’t withdraw. International intervention in Somalia remains as broken and ineffective as it was in 1992, when the UN tried to intervene in the earlier stages of Somalia’s civil war.

What is the U.S. response? It would make sense to see some U.S. involvement in the two autonomous and relatively peaceful regions of Somalia. But almost everything one finds is focused on the nasty regions around Mogadishu and further south. U.S. Africa Command, or AFRICOM, speaks openly about its “limited military support” to the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and to Amisom, the UN-sanctioned African Union peacekeeping force in Somalia (AFRICOM’s engagement is largely through private contractors). It’s been this way for some years: in 2007, during the initial stages of Ethiopia’s invasion following the quasi-victory of the Islamic Courts Union in Mogadishu, the U.S. used AC-130 gunships to kill several al Qaeda figures linked to the 1998 embassy bombings in East Africa that were hiding in the south, near Kenya. The U.S. Agency for International Development even posts a few scattered “success stories” in Somalia stretching all the way back to 2003. But AFRICOM doesn’t speak much about what it does or does not do in Puntland or Somaliland.

This sort of engagement doesn’t make much sense. It’s only in the last 60 days that al-Shabaab has shown any interest in expanding its activities beyond Somalia proper. And that expansion seems to be purely reactionary — an immune response, of sorts, to foreign intervention in Somalia’s violent power politics. This should raise the question: what could the U.S. be doing better?

In small towns like Gedo, in the southwestern region, there are so few schools that teenagers join militias just to receive payment and have something to do. This is a critical issue: a large pool of jobless, bored young men is a reliable indicator of the potential for future violence. Investing in the development of schools and very basic economic initiatives is neither expensive nor difficult — both the U.S. and the international community have done both very effectively in more difficult and expensive security environments like Afghanistan. But there is precious little of it in Somalia.

In fact, there is almost no development activity in Somalia. There are lots of good reasons for it — security is atrocious, and reporters who travel to Mogadishu are abducted and sometimes killed. Navigating the clan politics of the country is difficult for outsiders, especially when they don’t speak the language. And so much of the country has been destroyed, it can be overwhelming to think of what needs to be built, right now, and what can be put off for later.

At the same time, however, Somalia offers an opportunity to break the standard western model of conflict intervention. The military approach has failed twice in two decades. It should be discarded for other approaches. The normal aid model of flooding a country with foreign “development experts,” crafty with blueprints and generalized approaches but rarely versed in local issues, should be avoided as well. The international community should instead take lessons from Puntland and Somaliland — Somalis are smart, industrious, and care deeply about improving their communities. Why not allow them to take charge of their own fate? With minimal help — providing basic security (which is to be contrasted from the partisan AMISOM approach), building some schools or limited infrastructure development — the rest of Somalia can begin to develop itself. The West need not wrestle with another decades-long multi-billion dollar commitment, since Somalis have already proven they can take charge of their own fate. We just need to give them a chance to.

Rwanda is accused of Genocide for the 2nd time. Tutsis regime in power rejects their Ethiopian origin and national recognition of the Hutu and the Twa as a main cause of Genocide . Prof. Muse Tegegne

In  the epic  of the  1973  Bawetu and  Batutsi conflict of Burundi,  the Emperor of  Ethiopia Haile Selassie  invited to the Tutsi minority to immigrate  back to their homeland Ethiopia and resolve the Tutsi Question in the great lakes  defensively.   He even later suggested swap of population between Rwanda and Burundi.  The Negus sent a messenger saying:-

Come and let me give a region bigger than Burundi /Rwanda” and let me send you planes to start the Exodus like the Rastafarians in Shashemene. “

The Genocide of the Tutsi accused of their origin and the moderate Hutu as collaborator

The Melese Zenawie regime in Addis Ababa who supposedly helped the liberation of Rwanda and received a heroic medal did not send a single solider to stop the bloody massacre of the Tutsis due to their Ethiopian identity. The Tutsi were thrown to the Nile River after slaughtered as a sacrifice ram  and told to return back where they came from. A bloody massacred that turned the river red, like plague of Egypt in the Bible, which scared even   the population of   Cairo to drink from the Nile waters in the aftermath the genocide. Melese Znawie did not move his finger but not ashamed to receive a heroic medal for the “bloody spectacle” at the massacre of the people of Ethiopian origin in the Great Lake region. He would have refused the medal after visiting the Genocide Museum of Rwanda. How can one accused of a genocide could receive a  medal for a Genocide? This is done to wash his crime committed in Ethiopia against the Anuaks and others . Now is the time for Melese prepare a medial for his friend Kagme to wash him white from the coming indictment. The African dictators start delivering  and honoring one another for the misfortune   they committed  while in power against their own  defenseless populations.

Today the government of Rwanda is working to destroy the identity of Ethiopianism in the Great Lakes with his friend dictator Melese  in the Horn of Africa.   Melese with his Ethnic federation is destroying what is left of Ethiopia and Kagame is denying the identity of the people of Ethiopian origin. Today as in Addis Ababa at Kigali   to claim once identity as to be Ethiopian Tutsi is to be Jews in the National   Weimar Republic.  The Rwandese regime refused even to recognize the existence of the TWA the original inhabitants of the great lake region who were victim of the 1994 genocide like the rest of the Tutsis and moderate Hutu. According to the UN  30% of the Twa population of Rwanda died in the fighting.[1] The Twa were one of the Ethnic three David Stars engraved on the national flag of Burundi at its outset.

The Rwanda’s main cause of the Genocide is a taboo   to recognize publicly in Kigali once Ethiopian identity. The regime of Rwanda publically declare”There is No Tutsi or Hutu, but Rwandan ” he did not mentioned the Twa since  no one care about them any  way.  The majority of the population rejects this imposition to this day. The government who is now stands accused by the UN as a perpetuator of genocide even in Congo against its own population.

It is a Logical Fallacy to believe that Two Wrongs Make a Right (“Wrong + wrong = right.”).

“An eye for an eye makes the whole world blind.” “There are many causes that I am prepared to die for but no causes that I am prepared to kill for.” .. (Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi)

The Twa are often ignored in discussions about the conflict between the Hutus and Tutsis, which reached its height in the Rwandan genocide of 1994.

The colonial powers were responsible for the creation of these hate and division among the Rwandese is undeniable fact and easy accusation. People in Glass Houses Shouldn’t Throw Stones,   post colonial  the governments in Rwanda and Burundi did not help to create bondage among the three Ethnic groups in the country that of the majority Hutu and the minority Tutsi and dominated Twa. They demonstrated unprecedented massacre of their mutual  population in the post colonial period.

Rwanda experienced Africa’s worst genocide in modern times, and the country’s recovery was stained by unnecessary   intervention in the conflict in neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo.

The country has been beset by ethnic tension associated with the traditionally unequal relationship between the dominant Tutsi minority and the majority Hutus at the departure of the colonial power.

In 1959 the ethnic relationship was reversed to the favor of the agricultural Huts taken power. The civil war that followed forced over 200,000 Tutsis to flee to Burundi and the rest of the Great lake region with a lingering resentment which led to periodic massacres of Tutsis.

In 1993from the neighboring Rwanda the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) launched a military campaign to control the country. At the outcome at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus had been brutally massacred in 1994. Some two million Hutus fled to Zaire, today’s DR Congo. They included some of those responsible for the massacres, and some joined Zairian forces to attack local Tutsi.  Rwanda did not recognize the Tutsi a distinct people but invaded refugee camps dominated by Hutu militiamen as a response to the Genocide taking justice in its hand.

Rwanda withdrew its forces from DR Congo in 2002. Later Rwanda continues accusing the Congolese army of aiding Hutu genocidal rebels in eastern DR Congo.

Rwanda has used traditional “gacaca” community courts to try those suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide. But key individuals – particularly those accused of orchestrating the slaughter – appear before an International Criminal Tribunal in northern Tanzania.

Today the only way out for Rwanda is to recognize the cultural identity of the three distinct people that composed Rwanda and make a democratic reelection based on one man one vote according to Mandela. The recent election of Paul Kagame for the coming 7 year is the same as his friend Melese Zenawie who gave him the necessary expertise to rage election shamelessly and claim to win over 90% of the ballet.

Rwanda must recognize her misdeeds in Congo and bring those military leaders to justice and learn from South African Experience to create a Reconciliation Committee and resolve the conflict once for and all.

Prof. Muse Tegegne   the author wrote and dedicated a Book for the Rwanda Genocide in 1999

In 1992 in hist Book Stigma  Predicted coming  the Genocide …

THe Children of the Ark in French.


1.”Minorities under Siege: Pygmies today in Africa”. UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. 2006. Retrieved 2006-12-11.

Timeline: 100 days of genocide


BBC

Last Updated: Tuesday, 6 April, 2004, 08:42 GMT 09:42 UK
Some 800,000 Rwandans, mainly Tutsis, were murdered in a 100-day period following the killing of the Hutu president of Rwanda, Juvenal Habyarimana.
The presidential guard quickly murdered the political opposition and enacted a pre-planned campaign of slaughter that spread across the country. Soldiers, government officials and business leaders organised the killings and were joined by a Hutu militia, the Interahamwe.

The international community did little to stop the killings and the slaughter was brought to end by the military defeat of the government by the Rwandan Patriotic Front, a Tutsi-led rebel group.

6 April 1994: President Habyarimana and Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira are killed when the Rwandan leader’s plane is shot down as it is about to land at Kigali Airport. Hutu extremists opposed to the Arusha Peace Accords are believed to be behind the attack.

7 April: The Rwandan armed forces and Interahamwe militia begin the systematic killing of Tutsis and moderate Hutus. UN forces, unwilling to breach their mandate, fail to intervene. 10 Belgian UN peacekeepers are killed.

8 April: The Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) launches a major offensive to end the killings and rescue 600 of its troops based in Kigali under the Arusha Accords.

9-10 April: French, Belgian and American civilians are rescued by their governments.

11 April: The International Red Cross (IRC) estimates that tens of thousands have been slaughtered. UN soldiers protecting 2,000 Tutsis at a school are ordered to withdraw to Kigali airport. Most are killed after their departure.

14 April: Belgium withdraws its troops from the UN peacekeeping force in Rwanda.

15 April: Slaughter of thousands of Tutsis gathered at Nyarubuye Church seeking protection.

21 April: The UN cuts the level of its forces in Rwanda by 90% to just 270 troops. The IRC estimates the dead could now number over 100,000.

30 April: The UN agrees a resolution condemning the killing but omits the word ‘genocide’. Tens of thousands of refugees flee into neighbouring Burundi, Tanzania and Zaire.

Mid-May: The IRC estimates that 500,000 Rwandans have been killed.

17 May: The UN Security Council issues a fresh resolution saying that ‘acts of genocide may have been committed’. It also agrees to send 5,500 troops with new powers to defend civilians, however deployment is delayed by disagreements between the US and UN over the financing of the operation.

22 May: RPF forces gain control of Kigali airport and Kanombe barracks, and extend their control over the northern and eastern parts of Rwanda.

22 June: With arguments over the deployment still continuing, the UN authorises an emergency force of 2,500 French troops under Operation Turquoise to create a ‘safe’ area in the government-controlled part of Rwanda. The killing of Tutsis continues in the ‘safe’ area despite the presence of the French.

4 July: The RPF takes control of Kigali and the southern town of Butare. Its leadership claims it will form a government on the basis of the Arusha Accords.

13-14 July: Refugees fleeing the RPF advance in north-western Rwanda flood into Zaire. Approximately 10,000-12,000 refugees per hour cross the border into the town of Goma. The massive influx creates a severe humanitarian crisis, as there is an acute lack of shelter, food and water.

18 July: The RPF announces that the war is over, declares a cease-fire and names Pastor Bizimungu as president with Faustin Twagiramungu as prime minister

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Rwanda’s Paul Kagame Center of Controversial Election

Ethiopia – Meles receives highest Rwandan medals

Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi received two medals on Saturday from the Government of Rwanda.

One of the medals has been given for Meles’s immense contribution he made in the struggle to topple the dictatorial Derg regime and bring peace, and socio-economic development in Ethiopia.

The other medal was vested in him in recognition of Ethiopia’s contribution in deploying peace keepers to end the civil war in Rwanda.

While marking its 15 years of victory, Rwanda has also given its highest national medal to Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and former Tanzania President Julius Nyerere.

The leaders received the award for their contribution to halt the Rwandan genocide, according ETV report

Congo examines mass graves to find proof of revenge genocide on Hutus

Hutu Victims

UN DR Congo ‘genocide’ draft report – key excerpts

27 August 2010 BBC Africa

Weapons belonging to a Rwandan Hutu rebel of the FDLR

Among the Hutus who fled to DR Congo in 1994 were many of the militiamen responsible for Rwanda’s genocide

A UN report into massacres of Hutu civilians in DR Congo after the Rwanda’s 1994 genocide has been leaked ahead of its official publication.

Experts say it is the first rigorous investigation – the researchers required two independent sources for each of the 600 incidents documented in their 545-page report – into alleged atrocities committed in eastern DR Congo between 1993 and 2003. Rwanda’s Tutsi-dominated government has dismissed the claims as “rubbish”.

Here are some of the draft report’s key findings:

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The systematic use of barriers… enabled them to identify people of Hutu origin by their name or village of origin and thus to eliminate them”

Paragraph 513

512. The systematic attacks, in particular killings and massacres perpetrated against members of the Hutu ethnic group, are described extensively in section I of the report. These attacks resulted in a very large number of victims, probably tens of thousands of members of the Hutu ethnic group, all nationalities combined. In the vast majority of case reported, it was not a question of people killed unintentionally in the course of combat, but people targeted primarily by AFDL [Congolese rebels led by Laurent Kabila, who became president in 1997]/APR [Rwandan army]/FAB [Burundi’s army] forces and executed in their hundreds, often with edged weapons.

The majority of the victims were children, women, elderly people and the sick, who posed no threat to the attacking forces. Numerous serious attacks on the physical or psychological integrity of members of the group were also committed, with a very high number of Hutus shot, raped, burnt or beaten. Very large numbers of victims were forced to flee and travel long distances to escape their pursuers, who were trying to kill them. The hunt lasted for months, resulting in the deaths of an unknown number of people subjected to cruel, inhuman and degrading living conditions, without access to food or medication. On several occasions, the humanitarian aid intended for them was deliberately blocked, in particular in Orientale Province, depriving them of assistance essential to their survival.

513. At the time of the incidents covered by this report, the Hutu population in Zaire, including refugees from Rwanda, constituted an ethnic group as defined in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Moreover, as shown previously, the intention to destroy a group in part is sufficient to be classified as a crime of genocide. Finally, the courts have also confirmed that the destruction of a group can be limited to a particular geographical area. It is therefore possible to assert that, even if only a part of the Hutu population in Zaire was targeted and destroyed, it could nonetheless constitute a crime of genocide, if this was the intention of the perpetrators. Finally, several incidents listed also seem to confirm that the numerous attacks were targeted at members of the Hutu ethnic group as such.

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Several of the massacres listed were committed regardless of the age or gender of the victims. ”

Paragraph 515

Although, at certain times, the aggressors said they were looking for the criminals responsible for the genocide committed against the Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994, the majority of the incidents reported indicate that the Hutus were targeted as such, with no discrimination between them. The numerous attacks against the Hutus in Zaire, who were not part of the refugees, seem to confirm that it was all Hutus, as such, who were targeted. The crimes committed in particular in Rutshuru (30 October 1996) and Mugogo (18 November 1996), in North Kivu, highlight the specific targeting of the Hutus, since people who were able to persuade the aggressors that they belonged to another ethnic group were released just before the massacres. The systematic use of barriers by the AFDL/APR/FAB, particularly in South Kivu, enabled them to identify people of Hutu origin by their name or village of origin and thus to eliminate them. Hundreds of people of Hutu origin are thus thought to have been arrested at a barrier erected in November 1996 in Ngwenda, in the Rutshuru territory, and subsequently executed by being beaten with sticks in a place called Kabaraza. In South Kivu, AFDL/APR/FAB soldiers erected numerous barriers on the Ruzizi plain to stop Rwandan and Burundian refugees who had been dispersed after their camps had been dismantled.

514. Several incidents listed in this report point to circumstances and facts from which a court could infer the intention to destroy the Hutu ethnic group in the DRC in part, if these were established beyond all reasonable doubt. Firstly, the scale of the crimes and the large number of victims are illustrated by the numerous incidents described above. The extensive use of edged weapons (primarily hammers) and the systematic massacre of survivors, including women and children, after the camps had been taken show that the numerous deaths cannot be attributed to the hazards of war or seen as equating to collateral damage. The systematic nature of the attacks listed against the Hutus also emerges: These attacks took place in each location where refugees had been identified by the AFDL/APR, over a vast area of the country. Particularly in North Kivu and South Kivu but also in other provinces, the massacres often began with a trick by elements of the AFDL/APR, who summoned the victims to meetings on the pretext either of discussing their repatriation to Rwanda in the case of the refugees, or of introducing them to the new authorities in the case of Hutus settled in the region, or of distributing food.

Continue reading the main story

“These “awareness-raising speeches” made in North Kivu also incited the population to look for, kill or help to kill Rwandan Hutu refugees, whom they called “pigs””

Paragraph 515

Afterwards, those present were systematically killed. Cases of this kind were confirmed in the province of North Kivu in Musekera, Rutshuru and Kiringa (October 1996), Mugogo and Kabaraza (November 1996), Hombo, Katoyi, Kausa, Kifuruka, Kinigi, Musenge, Mutiko and Nyakariba (December 1996), Kibumba and Kabizo (April 1997) and Mushangwe (around August 1997); in the province of South Kivu in Rushima and Luberizi (October 1996), Cotonco and Chimanga (November 1996) and Mpwe (February 1997) and on the Shabunda-Kigulube road (February-April 1997); in Orientale Province in Kisangani and Bengamisa (May and June 1997); in Maniema in Kalima (March 1997) and in Équateur in Boende (April 1997). Such acts certainly suggest premeditation and a precise methodology. In the region south of the town of Walikale, in North Kivu (January 1997), Rwandan Hutus were subjected to daily killings in areas already under the control of the AFDL/APR as part of a campaign that seemed to target any Hutus living in the area in question.

515. Several of the massacres listed were committed regardless of the age or gender of the victims. This is particularly true of the crimes committed in Kibumba (October 1996), Mugunga and Osso (November 1996), Hombo and Biriko (December 1996) in the province of North Kivu, Kashusha and Shanje (November 1996) in the province of South Kivu, Tingi-Tingi and Lubutu (March 1997) in Maniema Province, and Boende (April 1997) in Equateur Province, where the vast majority of victims were women and children. Furthermore, no effort was made to make a distinction between Hutus who were members of the ex-FAR/Interahamwe [militia behind Rwanda’s 1994 genocide] and Hutu civilians, whether or not they were refugees.

This tendency to put all Hutus together and “tar them with the same brush” is also illustrated by the declarations made during the “awareness-raising speeches” made by the AFDL/APR in certain places, according to which any Hutu still present in Zaire must necessarily be a perpetrator of genocide, since the “real” refugees had already returned to Rwanda. These “awareness-raising speeches” made in North Kivu also incited the population to look for, kill or help to kill Rwandan Hutu refugees, whom they called “pigs”. This type of language would have been in widespread use during the operations in this region.

516. The massacres in Mbandaka and Wendji, committed on 13 May 1997 in Équateur Province, over 2,000 kilometres west of Rwanda, were the final stage in the hunt for Hutu refugees that had begun in eastern Zaire, in North and South Kivu, in October 1996. Among the refugees were elements of the ex-FAR/Interahamwe, who were disarmed by the local police force as soon as they arrived. In spite of everything, the AFDL/APR opened fire on hundreds of defenceless Hutu refugees, resulting in large numbers of victims.

Continue reading the main story

“It seems possible to infer a specific intention on the part of certain AFDL/APR commanders to partially destroy the Hutus in the DRC, and therefore to commit a crime of genocide”

Paragraph 518

517. The systematic and widespread attacks described in this report, which targeted very large numbers of Rwandan Hutu refugees and members of the Hutu civilian population, resulting in their death, reveal a number of damning elements that, if they were proven before a competent court, could be classified as crimes of genocide. The behaviour of certain elements of the AFDL/APR in respect of the Hutu refugees and Hutu populations settled in Zaire at this time seems to equate to “a manifest pattern of similar conduct directed against that group”, from which a court could even deduce the existence of a genocidal plan. “Whilst the existence of such a plan may contribute to establishing the required genocidal intention, it is nonetheless only an element of proof used to deduce such an intention and not a legal element of genocide.”

It should be noted that certain elements could cause a court to hesitate to decide on the existence of a genocidal plan, such as the fact that as of 15 November 1996, several tens of thousands of Rwandan Hutu refugees, many of whom had survived previous attacks, were repatriated to Rwanda with the help of the AFDL/APR authorities and that hundreds of thousands of Rwandan Hutu refugees were able to return to Rwanda with the consent of the Rwandan authorities prior to the start of the first war. Whilst, in general, the killings did not spare women and children, it should be noted that in some places, at the beginning of the first war, Hutu women and children were in fact separated from the men, and only the men were subsequently killed.

518. Nonetheless, neither the fact that only men were targeted during the massacres, nor the fact that part of the group were allowed to leave the country or that their movement was facilitated for various reasons, are sufficient in themselves to entirely remove the intention of certain people to partially destroy an ethnic group as such. In this respect it seems possible to infer a specific intention on the part of certain AFDL/APR commanders to partially destroy the Hutus in the DRC, and therefore to commit a crime of genocide, based on their conduct, words and the damning circumstances of the acts of violence committed by the men under their command. It will be for a court with proper jurisdiction to rule on this question.

Conclusion

1139. In light of the impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators of serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, and the repetition of crimes within the territory of the DRC, there is a manifest urgency for justice and security service reform. The members of the Mapping Team were able to observe the constant fear on the part of affected populations that history would repeat itself, especially when yesterday’s attackers are returning in positions that enable them to commit new crimes with complete impunity.

LAMU Archipelago the New Eastern Africa gate way for land locked Ethiopia & Southern Sudan Muse Tegegne, Prof.

The new Kenyan Lamu port is the futuristic  Eastern African gate way  for the  land  locked countries like Ethiopia, Southern Sudan, Uganda  and central African Republic. While ports like Mobassa and Dar es Salaam are over stretched  due to their increasing Great Lake markets. The Eastern African ports like Djibouti Barbara Asseb seem stranded by the belligerent conflict, increasing piracy and  Somalian conflict engulfing Yemen. The futur of Red Sea has been endagnered due to geopolitical change in the region.

Geo-strategy

The extraction of  natural gas from the  Indian Ocean region stretching to  Ethiopia, Egypt, and other countries of the Red Sea region will  be  precipitating a collapse in price for gas and petroleum, will further create un expected increase in the conflict  the passage through the Red Sea.

China and Japan Financing

Concerning  the budget of  construction for this big project, China here is particularly interesting in the context of the political economy of the regions  and her increasing  role on the continent. The Japan is   planning to build a pipeline from South Sudan to share from the source of the region seeing the conflict in the Gulf and Red Sea costs to assure her energy supply.  Lamu  will enable China far easier access to Africa’s East coast as inn the historical past with this port.

China’s  environmentally reckless attitude in its Africa policy has increased  her critics due to  the social and environmental impacts of a new port will off course a have lasting effect on the  traditional Swahili   fisherman unless the necessary measures are taken to enhance them too cope with the coming inevitable destruction to their traditional habitat.

The United States, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, India are  financial supporters of various aspects associated with this project.

Egypt Further Menaced

Egypt since the recent Nile accord which was singed against its wishes by the countries of the Nile Basin has forced her to  covertly support radicals in the Horn to  weaken Ethiopia and  to be able to revive its dominance of the Red Sea and the sea lane which links to Egypt’s Suez Canal. Estimated Ethiopian gas reserves, were reported at 12.46 TCF, will  be expanded as it has descovred great gass reserve in Ogadean. Malaysian State-owned oil and gas company Petroliam Nasional  is working  in its reserves in the Ogaden basin region of Ethiopia. Petronas is one of about 85 companies which have oil and gas exploration licenses in Ethiopia, but the Malaysia must soon pump gas  though  safer pipe to Kenya than the ever conflicting  Red Sea through Djibouti.  This surely will  thus diminishing the importance of the Sues Canal , Dijibuti and Asseb, Berebara as  a door way to world energy  when  natural gas bust out and repalce  petroleum in the world market  very very soon.

Egypt sooner than later  must enter in an open conflict in the horn of Africa supporting one or more of the  faction in order to survive by assuring the Red Sea as a dominance passage to the new geopolitical gas. Egypt further must stop Ethiopia and Kenya from repartitioning Somalia as recently incited  .

Ethiopia in search  a gate way

Governments  in    a land  landlocked countries  like Ethiopia, Uganda, Central African Republic and  Southern Sudan  Must use Lamu  port  than any other port  in the region  for  secure their  exportation.  The Ethiopian regime’s plan to build a recent pipeline to the Somaliland port of Barbara will not be viable since the opposite   Islamic Unity party took power in July 2010 and more  instability will follow if it join Mogadishu.   Any sensible government in Ethiopia must back Lamu project as the only viable   and safe sea port for future gas or any exportation to the fast growing  Asia,  South Africa and even as well as  to  Europe.

The estimates for the construction cover 1,000 acres in the region of Manda Bay in Lamu District   including plans for an oil refinery and terminal, international airport and railway track to Juba in Southern Sudan.

Prof. MT

Multi-billion-shilling Lamu project now taking shape

By DAVID OKWEMBAH dokwemba@ke.nationmedia.com
Posted Saturday, September 4 2010 at 22:12

Construction of Kenya’s second seaport in Lamu is taking shape with sketches already drawn and aerial photomapping being done in towns along the route.

The government’s lead consultant on the multi-billion-shilling project revealed that detailed designs for the first three berths are ready while hydraulic surveys have been completed.

Dr Mutule Kilonzo and the minister for Transport Amos Kimunya separately said the Japanese consultants hired by the government last April would submit the financial implications of constructing the port in a report next month.

Lamu Port and Manda Bay

•Standard gauge railway line to Juba
•Road network
•Oil pipelines (Southern Sudan and Ethiopia)
Oil refinery at Lamu Three
•Airports
Three resort cities (Lamu, Isiolo and Lake Turkana shores)

The transport corridor is expected to serve an estimated population of 85 million Ethiopians and another 15 million from Southern Sudan. Once completed, LAPSSET is intended to increase business opportunities in tourism, agriculture and manufacturing.

Japan Port Consultant was given 10 months last May to carry out a feasibility study on the port as well as give an estimated cost for the project. During the last financial year, the government allocated Sh500 million for the studies. “In one-and-a-half months the port will have taken shape,” Dr Kilonzo said in an interview.

The government’s lead consultant said aerial photomapping was ongoing in Isiolo and Garissa that are among towns to be served by a standard gauge railway line that will run in to Southern Sudan. A transcontinental highway is to run parallel to the railway line, giving landlocked countries like Ethiopia and Southern Sudan access to the Indian Ocean coast.

Dr Kilonzo noted that a final report on the various surveys, including hydraulic, bathymetric (study of underwater depth) and geophysical would be ready at the end of next month. He said the consultants from Japan had also visited Southern Sudan and Ethiopia to gather information for the projected port.

Officials in Juba and Addis Ababa are reported to have expressed high expectations on the port. Mr Kimunya said the consultants were conducting studies on the speed of water and wind as well as carrying out surveys in the Indian Ocean and Manda Bay. “They need to establish the depth of the sea and whether dredging is necessary,” he said.

The ministry of Lands has set aside 1,000 acres for the port’s quay in what many see as Kenya’s new coastal town that may link Africa’s northeastern coast to the West. Mr Kimunya confirmed that the proceeds of the sale of Nairobi’s Grand Regency hotel to a Libyan company amounting to Sh2.5 billion were still being held by the Treasury for the project.

“The money is held in trust by Treasury for the project,” the minister said of the project, reported to be close to President Kibaki’s heart. The minister cautioned land speculators who have swarmed Lamu hoping to make a killing when the government eventually embarks on the construction of the port. “They (speculators) should know that land in Lamu will not be acquired by government,” he said.

China and Japan are among the countries that have shown an interest in funding the Lamu Port project.

LAMU PORT MAYBE THE WHITEST OF ALL WHITE ELEPHANTS – JAINDI KIS

According to theory, grandly designed infrastructure projects tend to pose high corruption risks. Corrupt influence may be brought to bear especially at the design stage on projects, their scope and components made unnecessarily complex just to increase the potential for corrupt earnings especially during procurement.

These days, anti-corruption watchdogs advise that all large and complex infrastructure projects be subjected to thorough corruption-risk assessment right from their feasibility studies stage to the very end. I make the remarks as an entry to point to a discussion on the multi-billion shilling Lamu Port project.

By all accounts, this is a grandly-designed project with multiple components. Is it not just astonishing that we are going to pay the consultant a massive Sh3.2 billion for a nine-month feasibility study?

Already, the consultant, Japan Port Consultants of Tokyo, has been paid Sh500 million hardly three months after being contracted.

The thinking behind the conception of this project is the following:

First, the government recognises that it will not be able to raise the money to finance the actual building of this mammoth project. In the circumstances, it is convinced that the best option is to invite private sector operators to finance and build the port, and then operate it for a given length of time under a concession before it is eventually returned to the government’s ownership. The arrangement is what is known as a “build operate and transfer” project, commonly referred to as BOT.

The billions of shillings we are spending on the studies and “detailed designs” are meant to generate information the government will use to lure interested investors. Indeed, part of the reason why we are paying the colossal amount for the studies is because the Japanese have been asked to go to the extent of producing “detailed designs” for several components of the project.

Several questions arise. Why are we spending billions of shillings of taxpayers’ money to do detailed designs for projects we intend to sell to third parties who will have their own ideas of how to build the port? Does this make economic sense?

Why can’t we just do inexpensive basic studies and leave actual detail-designing to be handled by prospective BOT investors, depending on their financial and technical capacities? As it is, we risk ending up with piles of expensively produced designs for projects which might not see the light of day.

We have several cases where public institutions have had to pay millions of shillings for designs of projects, which did not take off.

Last year, the National Hospital Insurance Fund paid Sh390 million to consultants who did detailed designs for a training centre the fund had planned for in 2001 in the Karen area. The project did not materialise.

Then there is the case where the State-controlled Kenya Re-insurance Corporation in 1997 spent hundreds of millions of shillings for designs for a multi-million shilling airport transit hotel, which was never built.

Clearly, the scope of feasibility studies job for the Lamu Port project has been made unnecessarily complex. In all, it has a total of seven components. It encompasses a master-plan, including detailed designs for the first three berths.

Then there will be studies for a standard gauge railway line between Lamu and Juba, an oil pipeline from Lamu to Lokichoggio and Moyale, an oil refinery, new road networks, a new airport and a free port, and fibre-optic cables. In addition, three resort cities are to be built at Manda Bay, Isiolo and on the shores of Lake Turkana.

Without doubt, the Lamu project is a good one. The whole idea of creating an alternative transport corridor makes a great deal of sense. If we don’t do a good job of the cost and scope of the feasibility study, we may end up with corruption and several white elephants.

Relief Help must be dressed to victim not through the embattled Governments of Ethiopia. Muse Tegegne, Prof.

In case of Ethiopia after the 1980s Bob Guldof’s detoured   Band Aid experience all the relief must be given directly to the people. One must not even address the rebels since they will take the starving population as a hostage as a means to win the war. When it comes to the government who is the main cause of the famine itself will use food to punish those who are not loyal or voting for him.  In either case we have learned from the last   40 years experience that Aid must be directly delivered to the population suffering. We think also this the only methodology to be applied as a principle in any relief distributions in any country like Ethiopia known as mainstay of government instigated famine and conflict.

The actual government in Ethiopia made its way to power by robbing relief and Aid from the starving population and buying guns instead.  Today in power continues to benefit from the international aid to use it to maintain itself in power and dump the money in the international fiscal paradises across the pacific.  Still today those part of the population who are not the same ethnic group as the group  in power or others who are  not  pro government groups will starve to death.

When a natural disaster hits a country a like Chile and Haiti the national infrastructure is also damaged and most of the avenues of delivery are closed. In the last case the international organizations must directly deliver to the people first and then help the government re habilitate itself but not on the back of the starving population. We must not forget that the government was suppose to work for the people a not the vice versa.

Should you consider your feelings about a country’s government when deciding to donate to disaster relief?

A decision to donate towards disaster relief will be determined by a number of factors, but support or otherwise for the government of the country affected, should not be one of them.

Modern worldwide news coverage can bring details of disasters right to the heart of our living rooms.  Reporters, photographers and their producers are adept at being in the right place at the right time, sometimes regardless of their own personal safety, and through their skill and courage we are made aware of the personal tragedies which may unfold after a disaster.

The quality and empathy shown in such reporting can be a decisive first element in a decision to donate.  Michael Buerk’s report for the BBC in 1984, from famine torn Ethiopia, led to a sudden awareness of the horrors unfolding and a tremendous outpouring of generosity from ordinary people.

We see the needs of those affected – housing, food, water, medical supplies, clothing, warmth, etc., etc. and we feel unable, in all conscience, to not donate towards their relief.

But do we pause to consider the government of the country affected?  We may, but this should not affect our decision.  It will not be the government which has caused the problem, and it may be doing all it can in the most difficult of circumstances.

Were we to consider that we do not support the government personally, perhaps because it is too extreme, or because it has a reputation for corruption, should this affect our decision to donate?  I hope not.  The people most affected by a tragedy will need help whatever their government does or does not do, and the less effective the government is, the more those people need our help.

Many examples come to mind.  The Haitian government was in no position, for a variety of reasons, to offer organised assistance following the earthquake there.  Does that mean we should not give?  After the Armenian earthquake in the early 90s, people sat around waiting to be told what to do, the communist regime of several generations having removed their ability to decide for themselves.  Does that mean we should not have given?

And, closer to home, the American government’s failure to act quickly and decisively when New Orleans needed so much help appalled people throughout the world.  But should this have affected whether people donated or not?  Again, I hope not.

The Hazards Of Doing Good

From Live Aid in the mid-1980s to today, Western attempts to help famine-plagued Ethiopia have had little effect. Peter Gill explains why in “Famine and Foreigners.” William Easterly reviews.

bkrvfamine

By WILLIAM EASTERLY

If it were possible to sum up in one sentence Ethiopia’s struggles with famine over the past quarter-century, I’d suggest this: It’s not the rains, it’s the rulers. As Peter Gill makes clear in “Famines and Foreigners,” his well-turned account of the country’s miseries since the 1984-85 famine and the Live Aid concert meant to relieve it, drought has not been as devastating to Ethiopians as their own autocratic governments.

Ethiopia is a classic example of Amartya Sen’s dictum that famines don’t occur in democracies, only under tyrannies. The “foreigners” in Mr. Gill’s story either didn’t know about this sad fact of life or chose to ignore it. In any case, the celebrities and humanitarians who rushed to the aid of starving Ethiopians in the mid-1980s unwittingly supported the very people most responsible for those grim days.

he Derg, the brutal Marxist junta running Ethiopia at the time, contributed to the 1984 famine by forcing farmers to sell crops to the state at low prices. Many farmers instead consumed much of what they grew. The tradition of Ethiopians in areas with surplus food selling it to those in famine-stricken areas was thus disrupted.

The Derg, who had come to power in the mid-1970s after a famine discredited Emperor Haile Selassie, further exacerbated the country’s hunger problems with a military campaign—against rebels from the Tigrayan region in the north—that deliberately targeted food production and trade. A government official said at the time: “Food is a major element in our strategy against the secessionists.”

And then the Derg forced people to resettle in the southern lowlands from the parched northern highlands, partly in an effort to undermine the recruiting efforts of the Tigrayan rebels. One instrument of coercion: the relief supplies sent by well-meaning foreigners. The Derg denied food and medicine to anyone who refused to resettle. The refugees arriving in the lowlands found unfamiliar diseases and unsanitary conditions. The veteran aid writer Alex de Waal, assessing this era in Ethiopia, concluded: “Resettlement certainly killed people at a faster rate than the famine.” The aid also allowed the government to reduce its own spending on the domestic emergency and instead buy imported arms, which amounted to billions of dollars at the height of the famine. It took until 1991 for the guerrilla alliance to finally oust the regime.

Fast-forward to the present: Although Stalinist Marxism is done, not much else has changed. The former Tigrayan rebels, led by Meles Zenawi, now rule Ethiopia. The country’s agriculture remains in what Mr. Gill calls “a state of almost permanent crisis.” A famine in the south in 2000 escaped much international notice while the government was busy prosecuting a war against neighboring Eritrea. In 2008, the Ethiopian army conducted a counterinsurgency campaign in the south, attempting to put down a rebellion in its Somali region amid a food crisis there. Human Rights Watch accused Mr. Meles’s forces of “demonstration killings,” torture, torching villages—in sum, “war crimes and crimes against humanity.”

Mr. Gill captures the brutality of the Meles regime, but he does not say as much as he might about the government’s failure to address Ethiopia’s perpetual food shortages. He supportively describes Mr. Meles’s decision to continue the Derg’s policy of government ownership of all land. One searches in vain for a suggestion that letting farmers own their land might be a good idea, giving them incentives to prevent erosion and invest in soil fertility.

Mr. Meles’s authoritarian stripes make life awkward for Westerners who want to aid Ethiopians. Mr. Gill quotes Mr. Meles’s writings on the “developmental state,” which conveniently for the ruler “will have to be undemocratic in order to stay in power long enough to carry out successful development.” Elections in 2005 were almost certainly rigged, and critics were jailed in the aftermath. Public protests were suppressed, with hundreds killed. Mr. Gill speaks to a source “surprisingly close to government” who tells him that security forces opened fire “deliberately to show who was in charge.”

The timing could not have been worse. In 2005, Mr. Meles was also serving on British Prime Minister Tony Blair’s Commission on Africa, a high-profile panel whose report called for increased aid to Africa. The G8 summit in Gleneagles, Scotland, in July 2005 was focused on Africa—particularly in response to the Blair commission’s report. The Live 8 concerts held at that time were an homage to the Live Aid concert two decades earlier and aimed at mobilizing public pressure for the G8 to indeed increase African aid.

Yet few reporters covering the G8 summit, and surely few members of the Live 8 concert audiences around the world, seemed to grasp the key role played by Mr. Meles, an autocrat who had just rigged an election, killed demonstrators and imprisoned opponents. It was the political cluelessness of Live Aid all over again.

In recent years donors have steered aid away from Ethiopia’s central government and toward local governments. Such efforts have had little effect, though, since the former controls the latter. If anything, the Meles regime has become harsher still. In “Famines and Foreigners,” Mr. Gill shows us the nexus of politics and aid at the core of Ethiopia’s famines. Surely little good can come of Westerners offering their help to Ethiopia in ignorance of the cruel way the country is governed.

Mr. Easterly, a professor of economics at New York University, is the author of “The White Man’s Burden: Why the West’s Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good.”

——————————

In 2010, WFP plans to help more than 9 million people in Ethiopia. Copyright: WFP/Judith Schuler

Threats to Food Security

• Rainfall patterns (droughts and floods)
• Land degradation (deforestation and soil erosion)
• Population density
• Infrastructure development
• Insecurity and conflict
• Poverty
• Fall in world prices of cash crops

Overview

An ancient land with roots stretching back thousands of years, Ethiopia is in many ways culturally, linguistically and historically distinct from much of the rest of Africa.  But like many African nations, agriculture is the foundation of the Ethiopian economy.  The country’s wellbeing is dependent on uncontrollable factors including rain, climate change and the global market.  Droughts in 2008 and 2009 continue to affect the food security situation of 5.2 million inhabitants of Africa’s second most populous country.  Certain areas are currently facing droughts and flooding.

Ethiopia has recently made huge gains in primary school enrollment, rural road investment, health extension system expansion and food security programmes.  Despite these achievements, Ethiopia remains highly vulnerable to food crises, with food insecurity linked to rainfall patterns, land degradation, population density and infrastructure development.  Of Ethiopia’s 79 million inhabitants, about 28 million, or 35 percent of the population, live below the poverty line.  Eighty percent of the population lives in rural areas with limited access to infrastructure, making it difficult for food, healthcare and other resources to reach the area.  Ethiopia is a least developed country ranked 171 out of 182 countries in the UNDP Human Development Index for 2009.

WFP Activities

In 2010, WFP will assist almost ten million people in every region of Ethiopia. The Government of Ethiopia continues to address food insecurity through its Plan for Accelerated and Sustained Development to End Poverty (PASDEP).  All WFP activities in Ethiopia contribute to PASDEP.

The main intervention in 2010 provides emergency food assistance to up to 4.7 million people highly affected by temporary food insecurity. WFP is also a major partner in Ethiopia’s Productive Safety Net Programme (PSNP), which reaches 7.5 million rural dwellers with much-needed support while generating community assets. Launched in 2005, the programme provides transfers of food or cash, or a combination of both, to help bridge food deficit periods and to ensure people do not sell their assets in order to meet their basic food needs.

In addition, WFP also provides food assistance to Somali, Eritrean and Sudanese refugees, people affected by HIV/AIDS, and pregnant and nursing mothers and children suffering from malnutrition. Many pilot projects, such as the Risk Insurance project, are launched in Ethiopia.

WFP Ethiopia’s Development Programme consists of two core components: School Meals and MERET (Managing Environmental Resources to Enable Transition), a programme supporting sustainable land and water management and increased productivity in food-insecure communities.  MERET was recognized at the Copenhagen Climate Conference at the end of 2009 as one of the ways to combat climate change. It has great potential for countries that are unable to withstand climate shocks and proves how community-based land and water management can halt serious environmental deterioration.

The School Meals component and the Children in Local Development (CHILD) initiative focus on supporting formal education and on enhancing child-friendly schools by developing schools into community resource centers that promote good nutrition and environmental awareness.

WFP is working to connect farmers in Ethiopia to markets through the Purchase for Progress initiative.

Major Echo Donation to Support Emergency Assistance in Ethiopia

African Jews: Panafricanism or Zionism, Part II Parallelism by Muse Tegegne, Prof.

African Jews: Panafricanism or Zionism Part II Parallelism

The Zionism movement in Europe for creation of a Jewish Home Land and the Panafricanism   struggle in Diaspora for civil rights and the    liberation of  Africa from Colonialism have a  historical parallel.

Both movements were struggling  for their own dispersed population created ideological organizations called Zionism and Panafricanism.  They were led by two bright intellectuals of their time:-



Theodor (Binyamin Ze’ev) Herzl and William Edward Burghardt Du Bois

Both were born in the same decade Theodor (Binyamin Ze’ev) Herzl May 2,  1860 in Pest, the modern Budapest, While Dubois was born  February 23, 1868 in Great ArringtonMassachusetts. And both graduated from university with a Doctorate Degree as a minority in their respective society on the subject which most fit the need of their respective people.   1884 Herzl was awarded a Doctorate of law from the University of Vienna as being the first to  come of the minority Jews community. According to their decade of age deferent  in 1895 Du Bois became the first African American to earn a Ph.D. from Harvard  the most distinguished American University.

Herzl He became a writer, a playwright and a journalist  and founder of  Zionist Congress and founded Zionism as an ideology,  while Dubois  was a Civil Rights Activist, cofounded  NA ACP National Association the  for the Advancement of Colored People and most of all Panafricanism. As an  ideology which aspired  to these days  the unification of over 50 African countries since 1963.

And both  populations were  victims of  Holocausts, Slavery,  mass deportations  and  destructions  at one point of their  respective dispensation :-

Firstly six decades ago over 6 million Jewish perish in the Shoah in  the life time of Herzl and Dubois .

The Secondly   un accounted   millions of  Africans perish in the  trans- Atlantic salve trade that lasted over  400 years.  The  abduction Africans     started in 1442,according the late  Roger Bastid over 20 Million Africans died in this inhuman traffic.

Thirdly   the Hebrews were victims of ancient Egyptian, Babylonian, Greek, Roman Slavery even as early as 1500 BCE with a continues inhuman depilation and deportations

Herzl started Zionism   as an arm  to fight   anti Semitism of  his time   in Paris in connection with the  Capitan Dreyfus   a Jewish officer victim of  anti-Semitism in his classic  book  “ The Jewish  State”  which he declared:-

“At Basle I founded the Jewish State If I said this out loud today l would be greeted by universal laughter. In five years perhaps, and certainly in fifty years, everyone will perceive it”

William Edward Burghardt Du Bois, Founded pan  African movement called  for “two land struggle “ for the liberation of Africa as a home land for all people of African descent,  and the emancipation of people of African descent in Americas. His Panafricanist movement becomes the corner stone to what is today known as the movement of Panafricanism.

The founding fathers of Zionism and Panafricanism Both Herzl and Du Bois followed the parallelism of their enlightenment period, that of the Jewish revival and the beginning of the emancipation of the people of African descent at home and Diaspora.

1897  both Joseph Herzl and W.E.B. Du-Bois 13 years after the beginning of  Scramble for Africa  held  congress in parallel one  for the creation of  a home land for the Jews the other for the creation of liberated and independent home land for the people of African descent.

In 1897 symbolically William Edward Burghardt Du Bois 400 years after the 1st slave abducted  in Americas, and 40 years  before the creation of Ghana(1957) as the first independent state of Liberated Africa,   with the help of   Henry Sylvester-Williams, held  the 1st African congress  in Trinidad.  Dubois made the famous declaration on his speech on the color bar in the 1s African Association ever held in history:

“The problem of the 20th century is the problem of the color line “

The 1897 Panafrican and Jewish congress   were held a year after great African victory against European colonialism at Adwa by the King of Kings Menelik II of Ethiopia in 1896.  The victory halted the Scramble for Africa that started after the Berlin Conference in 1884/85.  Such historical victory gave a hope for all the people victim of subjugation and domination. It was highly veneered by the People of African descent. Menelik II of Ethiopia ushered the beginning of   the emancipation and liberation of Africans at home and Diaspora. Many Europeans recognized his sovereignty and established a diplomatic representation at his court in Addis Ababa.

Dark Days

In the coming dark  days of the 2nd WW for the  Africans and Jews , Dubois  declared when  Fascist  Mussolini  gazed the only independent  black kingdom in Africa  and his  pride  1938 :

“Ethiopia proud and Free has come to the thinking Negro African descent the symbol of the aspiration of Black people for independence for self determination and The animation of that is the best in Modern Civilization” W.D.B. Dubois”

Destiny endowed both Du Bois in Germany and Herzl in Vienna to  study  and master  the German langue and mentality  in post Bismarck era, and later to  watch the epic  of Nazism.  When the Holocaust  befallen on the Jewish people in the second world war Dubois immediately did not  hesitate making the  parallelism of the two victims    that of the Ethiopians by Fascism and the Jewish by Nazism most of  all his people in Americas declaring :-

“An attack on civilization, comparable only to such horrors as the Spanish Inquisition and the African slave trade”

In post war period both manifested a socialist outlook for a society as they are connected by the vibration of their epoch in their respected cosmogonigcal connection.  Dubois created a landmark work in early U.S. Marxist sociology and became a member of US left while Herzl was helping the creation of socialist state of Israel through his consecutive congresses.

Herzl and Dubois Progenitors in the Jewish State

Herzl    never thought in his wildest dream that the  Africans will be  claiming to be a Jew dispersed in the darkest forest of the African historical jungle.  Even David Ben-Gurion never has the African Jews in his equation when he declared the Jewish state 62 years ago.   The Jewish state was established according the Balfour Declaration in 1917 for the Jewish of European origin victim of Hitler’s atrocities after the WWI later  the Holocaust of WWII.  The first consideration  for the Jews Home Land was Argentina later Uganda with no avail.

In Herzl time Africa just joined the  world history through the victory of Menelik II in 1896 and the pre WWII Mussolinian genocide against the innocent Ethiopians.

All the Jews know the claim of the Ethiopians king that he descended form the Line of Judah and the Israelite Organization from Paris brought him a statute of Golden lion in his coronation in 1930. Though Herzl was a keen reader of the Holy book and the Antiquates of the Jews by Flavius Josephus, the Ethiopians  were not in his master plan in the blue print of Jewish State as conceived in Basel Switzerland. He might have took them as Cushiem and considered Sheba as simple one of King Solomon’s mistresses  like most of the Jewish religious leader attribute to Solomon.  But Dubois his contemporary in his famous book The Negro in 1915 declared to the world about these peculiar nation:-

“Africa its very names reveal its mystery and wide-reaching influence. It is the Ethiopia the Greek, the “Kush and Punt of the Egyptians, and the Arabian and Land of the Blacks. To modern Europe it the “Dark Continent”…

The Melting Pot of creed and Color

The two great thinkers of their time today in the 21st century made a new renedez -vous with destiny.  This was done through their progenitors in  the Jewish State made and prepared by the Herzl in 1897 as a  contemporary of   Dubos’.

In the Jewish State today the Ethiopians the most beloved of Dubois and the people of African descent joined the dream of Herzl.  The Ethiopians are the new Bet-Israel or the Flasha-Moras and the African Americas are the Black Hebrews. Both groups are victim of intolerance by the same people Herzl fought for  in pre and post 1st and 2nd WW period against Racism and anti-Semitism. Let us hear Herzl  tell us what he thinks about the situation in Israel today:-

How can Jews, who demand emancipation in Russia, rob rights and act selfishly toward other workers upon coming to Eretz Israel? If it is possible for many a people to hide fairness and justice behind cannon smoke, how and behind what shall we hide fairness and justice? We should absolutely not deceive ourselves with terrible visions. We shall never possess cannons, even if the goyim shall bear arms against one another for ever. Therefore, we cannot but settle in our land fairly and justly, to live and let live.(Meir Dizengoff (writing as “Dromi”) “The Workers Question,” Hatzvi, September 21, 22, 1909)

Since the Mass immigration operation Moses and Shelomo from Ethiopia in the mid 80’s and early 90’ racism in Israel against black in   Africans is getting worst every day.

Ben-Yehuda in his dictionary defined the Word Cush as being back and “Negro” . Cush was the  Ethiopia’s generic term in the Bible.  Here it is taken as the contest of cursed seed of Noah.  The exact word without  stigma is   Shakor meaning Black .  Today in Israel   Blacks   are seen as inferior in the new social  cast system in the contrary to the paradigm set by Herzl.  In the last 6 decades the Israeli Sabras (1) are shown high tolerance in socialization the African Jews in particular and the Blacks in general.  When it comes to the news immigrants they have demonstrated the stereotype they inherited from their foster society.

Today the Jews immigrating to Holy Land had brought and  perpetuated the roots of their hate from the different ethnic minorities they originated from. The Israeli melting pot if any is  seems nonexistent calling those darker Cushiem (2) and Mulatos Ginigin. (3)

More than the greater division Ashkenazi (4) Vis Sephardic here comes Yemenite Jews with darker complex to occupy the last strata  as the early immigrant of the Herzl’s Jewish State. When it comes to the Indian Jews the road was cleaned by the Yemenite but one thing they have to do Berit Mila(5) and Netifat Dem(6) which is blood splitting to be accepted to the main stream of Israeli melting pot.  The bad news for many stereotyped Jews were the arrival of the “Cushiem” according to the term of Ben Yahuda’s early  definition in his dictionary.  They were recognized  by the Sephardim Rabbi Ovadia Yosef as  a full flagged Jew; he is the   most important living halachic authority in post war Israel.   The stereotypes criticized his move as a revenge for the treatment given to him by the Ashkenazim when he emigrated from Iraq.  The Ethiopian Cushiem has to be fully converted since they were considered in the beginning   to be taken as a humanitarian Aid for Africa. They start having another name more than the generic term “Cushiem” which is Memezerim (7). When an Israeli is mad at you he will call you Memezere, it is the worst of all the insults. These Africans  not only they are memzeriem but also considered as the source all the disease on earth and they need to be put to  a ghettos Shkunates like Ashkelon, Ashdod etc. These are place once habited by the Arabs first given to the news immigrant Sepharads. When the Sephardim start to integrate with the Ashkenazim moving to main Israeli cities they became more racist than the Ashkenazim themselves who  lived and were majority suffered in the  Horrible Holocaust. Passing through the Shaoah  that will not give   anyone an outright  excuse to persecute others. Today the generation of the Exudes is phasing out and those Arabic and Iberian Jews are  getting out  stock too for further Alya  form  the countries of their origin. The new comers are  those from Ethiopia with cross on their foreheads. These are Ethiopian Orthodox Christians once who were Hebrews and later endorsed Christianity known as “Falasha “Moras”. They are considered as the Russian Orthodox Christen converted Jews who immigrated to Israel. The Ethiopian central plateau over 30 Million souls now practicing Christianity could have the right to be “Felasha Mora “according to the   Sheba Solomon Paradigm and the news DNA Coheniem test. Let us imagine 5o years from now all Israelis will be Cusihiem and memzerim at all cost if these continues. It is a high time for  Israel get its polices together by respecting the people  of African descent as a full fledged citizens.

Here comes the last scenario in the Israeli conflict trodden melting pot. Last but least all the Ibogs about 30 million soul are calming to be Jews from Nigeria, but they need another Ovadia Yosef to recognize them. That might be the new Ethiopian Qese (8) of the next generation born in Israel to assure their place in the political scenario they will definitively recognize them as a full-fledged Jews. We forget the South African Jews of Zimbabwe, the Shonas called Lembas  their  DNA is found to be more Jewish than the Ashkenazim and Sephardim together.

At last one thing is left that it would be better the Jews to come to the dream of Dubois  than the Africans go to Herzl’s, since the Israeli melting pot seems impossible qualitatively to integrate the Africans due to the deep rotted stereotype they brought with them from centuries of anti Semitism and racism, or quantitatively to make an Exodus for the people of African origin in mass when more and more trumpets are blown for the ingathering of the “Lost tribes”.

Semites and Africans

We did not say a word concerning the Palestinians place in Herzl’s Jewish State.  Their DNA is more Semitic than most of the Ashkenazim who lost it in theirs dispersion traversing the Caucus Mountains. With all these black numbers increasing through  immigrations or border crossing   the Palestinians must claim one man one vote  calling the spirit  of Mandela.  This is  as the best way out  as a temporary   solution   for one land two people alternative. Today  two state  solution seems far , bloody ,  costly and  if   realizable   but at what price?

When it comes to the American Gringo Jews the situation has been different. They have lived among the  what the call “Cushiem” in America like that of the Afrikaner Jewish in the Apartheid Azania.  In Americas the Arabs and the Jews  role in the Slavery is commensurately large. Today Black anti-Semitism and Jewish racism has also immigrated to   the Holy Land.  Israel is pushing the Egypt to stop immigration of African through Sinai to the holy land.  Once again the Semitic alliance :- Jews and Arabs join when it comes to act against the Africans, one by building barriers walls, and the other by shooting innocent refugees crossing the borders. They failed dramatically when it comes to  solve the Palestinian Question together ?

Notes

  1. 1. Sabras Israeli  born Jews
  2. 2. Cushiem Africans, Blacks, “Negros”
  3. 3. Ashkenazi European and North American Jews
  4. 4. Sephardic Jews from the middle east and Asia minor including the Iberian Peninsula
  5. 5. Berit Mila Circumcision
  6. 6. Netifat Dem Blood splitting
  7. 7. Memezerime batard or born form illegal marriage
  8. 8. Qese Ethiopian priestess practicing  according to the ancient Hebraic law and today’s orthodox   Christian priests share the same name  off times called Khan from Cohen in Hebrew. 

Muse Tegegne, Prof.  of  Sociology

Jerusalem- IDF Major Acused Of Using The ‘N’ Word Against Ethiopian Soldier

Photo illustration Ethiopian IDF soilder

Jerusalem – An Ethiopian soldier serving at an Air Force base in southern Israel petitioned the High Court of Justice Thursday over racial slurs hurled at him by a senior officer.

The soldier asked the court to order IDF officials to explain why disciplinary action was not being taken against a major whom he claims called him an “annoying nigg*r.”
The private filed the petition against several high-ranking officials, including the IDF chief of staff and the Air Force commander.
The soldier claims the major told his commander: “That nigg*r soldier of yours pisses me off.” When told that the soldier in question was there and could hear the comments, the major said: “I know.”
After the incident the soldier says his commander gave him a day off, which he used to schedule a meeting with the base commander. The latter, for his part, arranged a meeting between the major and the soldier two days later, during which the former said he did not remember uttering those words and that they may have been taken out of context.
“I know you have personal problems, and I’ll do my best to help you from here,” the soldier says he was told by the senior officer.
He claims that beyond this, he received no apology from the major, adding that no disciplinary measures were taken against the senior officer who continued to serve as his commander.
The soldier then complained to the IDF complaints commissioner, who replied that despite the racism apparent in the remark, he saw no reason to intervene because high-ranking officials at the base had already taken care of the matter and the major had shown remorse.
In the petition, the private says that on another occasion, the major refused to shake his hand. The petitioner also questions why the officer was not being discharged from his position and why criminal proceedings were not being initiated against him.

“Israeli society suffers from severe ailments in everything relating to the absorption of the Ethiopian community, and we must respond harshly to racism in order to fight and minimize this, publicly and punitively,” the petition says.

——————–

Israeli minister in Ethiopian racism row

By Tim Butcher in Jerusalem
Published: 12:01AM BST 03 Aug 2007

Meir Sheetrit,

Meir Sheetrit: not really Jewish

Israel’s interior minister faces accusations of racism after he suggested suspending the policy of allowing Ethiopians with Jewish ancestry to move to the country.

In remarks that incensed the large Falasha community already in Israel, he implied that Ethiopians were fleecing the state by leaving the economic hardship of their birthplace and enjoying comfortable new lives in Israel.

“Who needs them?” he said in an interview with The Jerusalem Post. “They are all Christians. We need to take care of the future of Israel and this immigration will never finish.”

His comments were denounced as racist by senior members of the Falasha community who pointed out that Jews from white countries were allowed into Israel without any question from the authorities.

“The way he is expressing himself has a smell of racism about it because he would not say such statements to any other immigrants from America or Russia,” said Avraham Neguise, chairman of the Representatives of Ethiopian Immigrant Organisations in Israel.

“His remarks are unacceptable and irresponsible. The state of Israel is the home for every Jew and is it not the minister’s private home.

“These people have been described and identified as part of Jewish Ethiopian community by the chief rabbinate. They are our blood, our flesh and our bones.”

Ethiopians who come to Israel often complain of not being able to find good jobs and experiencing discrimination.

Some claim that Israel imposes a quota of 600 Falasha being allowed into Israel each month.

Others complain that Israel used the Falasha cynically to boost the population as part of the demographic battle with the Palestinians, who have a high birth rate.

The Falasha are said to be the descendants of one of the lost tribes of Israel that trekked south and set up home in the Horn of Africa.

The claim was strong enough to convince Israeli rabbinical authorities in the 1980s and 1990s when 90,000 were allowed into Israel.

The first Falasha to move to Israel were unquestionably Jewish. But a new group calling themselves the Falash Mura emerged.

They were Ethiopians living a Christian lifestyle but who claimed to have been forced to convert to Christianity from Judaism.

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Olmert: Ethiopian Jews are right to feel discriminated against .

Ethiopian Tectonic Dam overrun and destroyed farms and lives as predicted Prof. Muse Tegegne

270'000 Ethiopians menaced by deluge

Gebe I an Ethiopian   dam built on Eastern Africa’s separating tectonic plates without any geological survey has been over run as predicted and destroyed many farm lands with the loss of unknown number of human and animal lives.  A dam constructed with a simple order of the ruling dictator   has started costing lives and farms. The undetermined number of Omotic population killed like that of the 2006 floods. Such forced runoff will precipitate the eventual collapse of dams within 24 months after the flood creating a slope gradient of the soil surface near the gully as the recent studies predict in 40 % of the case.

The news passed in silence in a country where the regime does not tolerate critics when it comes to its megalomaniac constructions. In Ethiopia writing any article concerning the deadly dams is a taboo in a country where almost all the independent media are closed and the remaining journalists are fleeing. And the foreign independent Medias are not allowed to go and see and report, since dam construction has brought too much critic to the ruling dictator in the recent days. The only article about the looming catastrophe is a government media recently published in Amharic in order to keep it from international attention. The government gave the following biased information by the government controlled media Reporter   on 25 August 2010.  The governmental organ The Reporter   did not even care for the human and animal lives but on the generator which they claimed that “it will cost over 20Million”. They claimed “it was burned out by the mass flow of uncontrolled water.”   The main objective of such   disinformation is to hide the main cause of destruction which is high rain on the Ethiopian altitude and the tectonic movement which is active in the region.

The article gives contradictory statements that the water was released from the dam by the  electricians, at the same time it is reported that  the water over  run the dam due to the mass rain fall. The release of water in upstream by Gibe I could have a catastrophic repercussion on Gibe II and Gibe III which is not yet finished.

The dead bodies only would be found in downstream near and  around lake Turkana  as that  of the 2006 dam water release  incident in the tectonic death dams:-

“The death toll from flash floods in Ethiopia rose Monday after police reported an unknown number of bodies had been found in the country’s southwest, where 364 deaths have already been confirmed. The discovery of bodies on a remote delta in the flood-ravaged Omo River valley near the shores of Lake Turkana, on the Ethiopian-Kenyan border, came as authorities stepped up evacuation warnings in low-lying areas nationwide. ” Terra Daily Aug 21, 2006

This time year the government did not even issue a warning with the increasing flood all over the Ethiopian Highlands which left over 270000 people homeless.  This year all dams around Ethiopia are threatened.  The massif rain fall has flooded huge areas in the southwest, Koka dam on the Awash River in the east, and the Tise Abby on the Blue Nile in the north.

In Ethiopia like the flood 2006 hundred thousand farmlands   has been flooded due to the heavy rains that pounded the region.

This year the monsoon rain has been heavy in Ethiopia as that of the Pakistan and China. The different is the Ethiopian highland plateau drains the water faster to the lowland valley in Omo and Afar regions menacing the dams, where in Asia the water floats.  Heavy rain land slide and flooding will deteriorate the existing famine in the country.  The Ethiopian famine is not only the outcome drought but also heavy rain in the harvest   season which wipes out the farmlands and the mismanagement of the consecutive regimes which came to power in the country. The present regime perpetuates to existent to use it as a source of income to stay in power. The group  in power today had used in the past the Band Aid internationally raised fund by Bob  Geldof in 1984/85  to buy arms at the expense of the starving  millions.

The Ethiopian high land plateau is flooded once again and most of the rain in the south and east will storm the dams in the Gebe and Awash Rivers found the rift valley.  Today asking people who live around the dams to move to higher ground to take precautionary measures, as the rain in the highlands is increasing and dams start over flooding with  water beyond their capacity is not enough as prevention measures. The best solution is to find the main cause of over flooding, which is so called the government flood control method created by pyramidal dams.  The Ethiopian Dictator has to stop constructing them on such sliding land moving ground like that of Omo, since the region is situated in moving plates of the Eastern African Rift valley. One would not try to connect two separating plates by dam which will end up cracking and in the end will bust causing millions of lives down streams, unless you are a dictator and you have the world at your disposal.

Ethiopian Water Dictator Melese Zenawie promised to export electricity to Kenya, Sudan, and Djibouti in September 2010 after the rains and   at the cost of the lives of the riparian population. The dictator forgot in his formula two equations:-

– One the riparian population that he calls insects or butter flays considered as dispensable,

-two  the floods and the sliding soil  which is out of his personal control  or with that of  China which could not even control  its own dams,   flood and sliding mud.

Melese Zenawie’s promised amounts were: — 230 kilovolt to Djibouti, 500 megawatts of electricity to Kenya & 200 megawatts to Sudan.

These promises are built on sinking sands seeing the geological situation of the moving plates creating a new ocean in the horn of Africa at the site where the Pharaoh is constructing his dooms day pyramidal dams.

The final solution would be to Stop Damming and start making alternative energy. Most of all start satisfying ones won needs before even thinking to export. The hypothetical electrical megawatts   offers to the neighboring countries is  just a pretext by the ruling Dictator to galvanize  funds from financial institutions like  African development  and World Banks,  that  have already  started to be  skeptical  to these megalomaniac  catastrophic dams of the Ethiopian Water Dictator.

Ethiopia: At least 19 killed as heavy floods hit Ethiopian lowlands

(VOA)

Ethiopia: Floods displace thousands in Afar and Amhara regions

Oromia under water 30/08/2010

Wolo Land Sliding killed 37, 26/08/2010



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U.N. says 270,000 at risk as floods loom in Ethiopia

30 Aug 2010 17:03:00 GMT
Source: Reuters
By Barry MaloneADDIS ABABA, Aug 30 (Reuters) – More than a quarter of a million Ethiopians are risk from severe flooding next month when heavy rain is expected in the country, according to government estimates issued by the United Nations on Monday.

The U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said 19 people were killed in mudslides after flooding last week and nearly 12,000 people had been displaced since then.

“Some 270,000 people could be affected by flooding in the (Amhara region),” OCHA said in a statement, quoting a contingency plan issued by regional authorities.

Flooding often affects Ethiopia’s lowlands during the rainy season between June and September. In 2006, more than 1,000 people were killed and more than 300,000 made homeless.

“New flooding has been reported in recent days, including in the eastern Amhara lowlands and in northern Somali Region,” it said.

The plan says $6.8 million would be needed to respond to such an emergency.

The country’s disaster management office gave a lower estimate, saying 153,000 people were likely to be affected by next month’s floods, of whom 25 per cent could lose their homes.

“Good contingency planning needs to be in place,” an aid worker monitoring the flooding told Reuters. “According to data from the meteorological office, the heavy rains will continue through September.”

Almost 5,000 people who fled to higher ground are now stranded and inaccessible to local authorities, according to the OCHA statement.

Significant flooding damages the country’s agriculture-based economy, washing away thousands of cattle, ruining crops and submerging roads. (Reporting by Barry Malone; editing by George Obulutsa and Andrew Dobbie)

Related :-

Ethiopia’s Hydro Plans Get Stuck in the Mud

Ethiopian Dam Suffers Tunnel Collapse Days After Inauguration

The Gibe 3 Dam – A Test Case for China’s Role in Africa

China’s Biggest Bank to Support Africa’s Most Destructive Dam

INTERVIEW-Ethiopia rejects dam criticism, targets 10,000 MW

02 Sep 2010 15:12:50 GMT

Source: Reuters
By Barry Malone
ADDIS ABABA, Sept 2 (Reuters) – Ethiopia on Thursday rejected criticism of its massive hydropower dam projects and vowed to push ahead with plans to boost its power generating ability from 2,000 MW to 10,000 MW within five years.

The Horn of Africa nation’s ambitious dam building programme has drawn fire from human rights groups as well as from Egypt and other Nile River countries.

“We have a plan to reach 10,000 MW within the coming five years,” mines and energy minister, Alemayehu Tegenu, told Reuters in an interview.

“Most of the energy we plan to generate will come from hydropower.”

Ethiopia is overwhelmingly reliant on dams for its energy needs and has opened three over the last year, bringing the total number in the country to seven.

Another two are being built, including the huge Gibe III — a project that foreign charities say could leave more than 200,000 people reliant on food aid.

Rights groups, spearheaded by Survival International, have started an online campaign against the dam, which would generate 2,000 MW, and are lobbying international lenders not to contribute to its 1.4 billion euro ($1.79 billion) cost.

“These organisations do not want Ethiopia to develop,” Alemayehu said.

“Criticising countries like Ethiopia is their source of income. They have no reason to attack our dams. We have environmental and social plans in place.”

The European Investment Bank (EIB) said last month that it had decided not to help fund the project but did not say why it had made that decision.

Alemayehu said it was possible the EIB had been pressured by rights groups.

“But I don’t know their reason,” he said. “It’s not a big problem for us. We have other options. And the funding at the moment is coming from our government.”

“NO NILE WAR”

Ethiopia’s hydropower plans are also closely watched by Egypt and Sudan who fear more dams on Ethiopia’s stretch of the Nile could leave them thirsty.

After more than a decade of talks driven by anger over the perceived injustice of a previous Nile water treaty signed in 1929, Ethiopia, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda and Kenya signed a new deal in May without their northern neighbours.

The five signatories have given the other Nile Basin countries — Egypt, Sudan, Burundi and Democratic Republic of the Congo — one year to join the pact but the countries have been split by behind-the-scenes rows since the signing.

Under the 1929 deal, Egypt, which faces water shortages by 2017, is entitled to 55.5 billion cubic metres a year, the lion’s share of the Nile’s flow of 84 billion cubic metres. Some 85 percent of the Nile’s waters originate in Ethiopia.

The nine countries are due to meet again in the Kenyan capital Nairobi in November.

“What we will construct on the river will never cause any problems for the Egyptians,” Alemayehu said. “But the Egyptians always stand against Ethiopian development. They need to understand better what we are planning.”

Alemayehu, however, ruled out the possibility that war could erupt over the Nile.

“That will never happen,” he said. “Never.”

Ethiopia plans to export power to neighbouring Sudan, Djibouti and Kenya as soon as it meets its own growing energy needs, Alemayehu said.

Ethiopia rationed power for five months this year with outages every second day, which closed factories, hampered exports and fuelled a currency shortage.

“We should have no need to ration power in 2011 with our new dams,” Alemayehu said. “We are now building interconnectivity infrastructure with Sudan and Djibouti and that should be finished within six months.”

Power demand in Africa will rise by 150,000 MW between 2007 and 2030, according to the International Energy Agency.

——————————–

The Gibe III dam: Over before it has begun? Print E-mail
Written by Hannah Gibson (1)
Thursday, 02 September 2010 08:09
Energy shortfalls in Ethiopia have long been a problem, with frequent outages and reduced developmental capacity due to unreliable power supplies. The Ethiopian Government has therefore turned to large-scale hydroelectric power in an attempt to tackle the problem. As of 2010, five major hydroelectric projects are underway in the country, with more still in the planning stage.

Gibe III is a hydropower project which, on completion, will comprise the tallest dam in Africa. The building of Gibe III however has been surrounded by controversy, mainly due to environmental and human rights concerns. The environmental impact of the dam and its associated reservoir is expected to be significant and thousands of people who live in the region will need to be relocated. Although construction of the dam has already begun, the project has not yet secured full funding and, under pressure from campaigners, some of the building work has been suspended. This discussion paper explores the issues relating to the hydro-electric projects on the Gilgel Gibe River in southern Ethiopia, focusing on Gibe III.

A background to the project: Gibe I and Gibe II

The Gibe hydropower project comprises a series of dams located along the Omo River in southern Ethiopia. The Omo River flows from an area approximately 300km southwest of Addis Ababa and on into Lake Turkana in the Rift Valley region of Kenya, and the Gilgel Gibe River is a tributary of the Omo River. Plans to develop the hydroelectric potential of the Gilgel Gibe River were first announced in the 1980s. Construction of the Gilgel Gibe plant started in 1986 and was completed in 2004, resulting in the Gibe I dam. The plant became Ethiopia’s largest power plant with a capacity of 184 megawatts, enough to power over 123,000 homes.(2)

However, from the outset however it was clear that the electricity generated by Gibe I would not be sufficient for Ethiopia’s growing power needs. The second phase of the development of the Gibe hydropower potential saw the introduction of the Gibe II plant. Located approximately 2 kilometres downstream of the Gibe I dam, Gibe II was introduced to channel the river that was regulated by the Gibe I dam through a 26km-long hydraulic tunnel. Gibe II has the capacity to generate more than 400 megawatts of electricity and there was no need for any of the inhabitants of the areas along the river to be relocated since it used structures already in place as part of Gibe I.(3) The Gibe II project was inaugurated in January 2010.

The Gibe III Project

Gibe III is the third in the series of cascading hydroelectric projects in the region. Gibe III is also located on the Omo River and on completion, will be the largest hydropower plant in Africa. Its anticipated power output of about 1870 megawatts will more than double the total installed capacity in Ethiopia, which in 2007 was 814 megawatts.(4) Ethiopia has suffered from frequent blackouts and power cuts over recent years and is in need of increased electrical supply. The planned generating capacity of Gibe III will create more power than Ethiopia will consume, meaning that surplus energy can be sold to neighbouring countries. Djibouti, Yemen, Kenya, Uganda, Sudan and Egypt will all be in a position to purchase the excess energy from Ethiopia.(5)

According to the Ethiopian Electric Power Corporation (EEPCO), the sole provider or power in Ethiopia, the surplus energy is expected to create US$ 407 million in revenue with Ethiopia.(6) For Ethiopia, one of the poorest countries in the world, this additional revenue will provide a vital boost to the economy. The EEPCO also predicts that the regulation of the flow of the river, which floods annually under normal circumstances, will be beneficial for local inhabitants since the river will be navigable all year round.

Project met with opposition

Construction of Gibe III began in 2006 and was initially scheduled for completion in 2010. Concerns have been raised however, over the severe environmental degradation and the human rights implications that are predicated to accompany the project. The decreased water flow of the Omo River as a result of the Gibe III dam will have a significant impact on the ecosystems surrounding the river. Concerns have also been raised over the implications of resettlement and the loss of livelihood for the people who live along the Omo River. Human rights advocates say that the dam project has the potential to destroy the livelihoods of 500,000 people in Ethiopia and Kenya.(7) Flood retreat cultivation is central to the lives of many people living along the Omo River. Families traditionally plant riverbank plots as the river floods begin to retreat, with harvesting taking place a few months later. This silt-laden floodwaters mean additional fertilisers are not needed and the reliability of the harvest makes it a fundamental practice for the region’s food security.(8) With the introduction of the dam and the regulation of the flow of the river, this practice will no longer be possible.

Although construction is already under way on Gibe III, a collation of environmental and human rights groups have mounted a campaign to stop the project. The aim is to pressure financiers into ceasing their support of the project. It is in partly due to concerns that have been raised over the environmental and human impact of the project that the full construction cost has not yet been secured.

The project is predominately financed by the Ethiopian Government, with part of the project financed through a corporate bond issued by EEPCO, which is marketed to the Ethiopian diaspora. The World Bank and the European Investment Bank also considered funding the project, but have not yet approved any funding. The Exim Bank of China finances the transmission line to Addis Ababa and the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China volunteered a US$ 500 million dollar loan, although this loan has also not yet been confirmed. In March 2010 the African Development Bank (AfDB), one of the main funders of the project, delayed a decision about a loan pending a review of the dam’s environmental impact. The review has been delayed twice previously, but the fact that the AfDB agreed to undertake the hydrological assessment has led opponents to believe that these issues were not studied sufficiently by project developers prior to the beginning of construction. Two previous environmental impact assessments conducted for EEPCO in 2006 and 2008 have also been challenged by the Africa Resources Working Group.(9)

A view to the future

Whilst even critics of the hydropower projects agree that Ethiopia needs to expand its energy production capacity in order to support development, whether large-scale hydropower plants is the best way to do this is a question that is being asked from many sides. The thought that Ethiopia will become one of the most hydropower-dependent nations in the world makes many wary of such a project. Such total dependence on rain in a time of global warming may be potentially disastrous in a country where drought-related food shortages are prevalent and water resources are critical for survival. In contrast, neighbouring Kenya has announced that it is stepping back from hydropower reliance due to the environmental conditions in the country.(10)

The inability of the Gibe III project to secure complete funding points is an ongoing problem for this project, in that it has not yet convinced people that the risks involved are worth it and necessary. It seems that even with construction under way, completion is not certain. Thorough and transparent ecological and human impact assessments need to be carried out in order for the project to move forward with minimum damage and delay and with maximum benefit for the region that the project is aimed at serving.