Southern Sudan Anti Slavery Referendum faces resistance by AU dictators

Southern Sudan Anti Slavery Referendum faces resistance by AU dictators by Prof. Muse Tegegne
The 2005 Sudanese Comprehensive Peace Agreementt (CPA) ignited  the long awaited vision  to self-determination in the  Greater Horn of  Africa subgegated and colonially divided people of Africa. CPA  is hope and victory against slavery and religious extremism in Africa. The southerners  have been victims of an abolished slavery in 21 first century. They merit to determine their future in their own hands. They are not fighting for self determination only but also for the eradication of slavery from the last bastion of the institution in Sudan.

Though slavery never completely died out in Sudan, there has been a relatively recent upsurge in slave-taking that has its roots in Islam. According to John Eibner, an historian and human rights specialist writing in Middle East Quarterly:

Sudan is the only place where chattel slavery is not just surviving but experiencing a great revival. This renascence of the slave trade began in the mid-1980s and resulted directly from an upsurge of Islamism in Sudan at that time, and especially from the Islamist emphasis on the renewal of jihad. After gaining the upper-hand inKhartoum by about 1983, the Islamists’ immediate goal was to transform the multi-ethnic, multi-religious population of Sudan into an Arab-dominated Muslim state, and to do so through jihad. Under Turabi‘s powerful influence, the ruler of the time, Ja‘far an-Numayri, declared himself to be (sounding like a caliph of old), the “rightly guided” leader of an Islamic state.”

As Kampala hosts the African Union (AU) summit the question remains: Is Africa neutral with regard to the unity of the Sudan? AU chairman Jean Ping put it clearly during Africa Day last May, with due respect to the outcome of the coming referendum, that AU favours ‘making unity attractive,’ and cautioned against possible southern Sudan independence in 2011.

CPA weakened many  dictators who   are  submitted to the international justice led by the International Criminal Court (ICC) through some international pressures by organiztions line Genocide Watch   giving hope to  regions of post colonial countries of  scrambled continent a hope of self-determination  though referendum.

International pressures took place in some channels after the ICCIndictment and the issuing of the arrest warrants against Omar al Bashir, the leader of the dictatorial regime in Sudan and some gangs in the Darfur Rebels who committed war crimes in the western region of Darfur. Soon Ethiopian  and another dictators will follow having regions fighting and claiming self determination.  Somaliland would be the next candidate for international recognition to put a silver lining to find a lasting solution of Somalia.

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The AU believed that the  southern secession would set a dangerous precedent for Africa. This position was expressed by many African leaders, particularly by Idris Deby of Chad and Isaias Afewerki of Eritrea  after assuring his  own independence in 1991.  The  Group of African Ambassadors at the United Nations held a meeting last month at the AU mission in New York, in the presence of the panel’s chairman, Thabo Mbeki, and called upon the Sudanese people to benefit from the historic experiments and dedicate efforts to bolstering unity through a strong support from Africa.

The Sudanese Comprehensive Peace Agreement consists of the Machakos Protocol, the Power Sharing, the Wealth Sharing, the Resolution of the Abyei Conflict, the Resolution of the Conflict in the two States of Southern Kurdufan and Blue Nile, the Security Arrangements, the Permanent Ceasefire and Security Arrangements Implementation Modalities and Appendices, and the Implementation Modalities and Global Implementation Matrix and Appendices.

CPA will voile for the first time the  historical position  which is is not in any way circumstantial but and in retrospect, a rather a systematic and principled position that streamlines and concords with that of the founding fathers of OAU, for whom the inviolability of states boundaries remained an article of faith. This was manifestly reflected in their firm rejection of almost all secessions bids in Africa in Nigeria, Congo, Somalia or elsewhere.

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed by  the late Dr. John Garang de Mabior, the Chairman of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/SPLA) and Ali Osman Mohammed Taha, First Vice President of the Republic of Sudan.

Slave girl and boys

Many African leaders on behalf of the Intergovernmental Authority of Development (IGAD) witnessed it with other representatives of the regional authority. The other witnesses from the area included representative of the League of Arab States and the Chairman of the African Union and the Egyptian Minister of Foreign Affairs.

The Au leaders had accepted in 1964  though mindful of the artificial frontiers drawn by imperialist powers, meant to divide the peoples of Africa, our founding fathers were keen to deny the colonialists a chance to reap any fruit for their divide and conquer policy; by denying secessionists legitimacy.

However, if secession is to prevail, and the post-referendum negotiations have started, let us concur on appropriate benchmarks and measures that would guarantee a peaceful transition. At the same time, try to draw a roadmap for an understanding that would pave the way for a near future reunification.

Representatives from the international political powers included the Italian Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Special Envoy of the Netherlands, the Norwegian Minister of International Development, the British Secretary of State for International Development, the United States Secretary of State, the Representative of the European Union.

Paradoxically, Malik Agar, the deputy chairman of the SPLM and the governor of the Blue Nile State, was fiercely attacked and incriminated recently for being true to the CPA, calling for the unity of the Sudan. Indeed there is widely held concern that secession shall make the south more susceptible to yet more violence or even further secessions. Relations between and within communities and regions in the south remained strained by competition for natural resources such as water, grazing land as well as by cattle raiding, local power rivalries and disputes.

Southern  Independence is not  what the Khartoum government is  definitely  aspires for. The government, while dauntlessly launching a massive campaign for unity of the Sudan, affirms now and again that the decision of the southern Sudanese people will be respected regardless of the outcome of the 2011 referendum. Simply applying cost-benefit analysis in the current circumstances indicates that unity remains at its worst scenario a lesser evil. Sudanese unity is not beyond repair; let us agree on new viable institutional formula that may keep unity intact for the sake of Sudan and Africa at large.

by Prof. Muse Tegegne

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Omar al-Bashir, fresh off press crackdown in Sudan, defies ICC in visit to Chad

Sudan President Omar al-Bashir today flew to Chad on his first visit to a full member of the International Criminal Court (ICC) since his arrest warrant was issued. He left amid a severe crackdown on press freedoms at home.

Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir (r.) shakes hands with First Vice President Salva Kiir Mayardit as he prepares to leave for Chad, in Khartoum July 21. Chad said on Wednesday it would not arrest al-Bashir who arrived in the country for his first visit to a full member of the International Criminal Court (ICC) since his arrest warrant was issued. Mohamed Nureldin Abdallh/Reuters

By Rebecca Hamilton, Contributor / July 21, 2010

Khartoum, Sudan

Buoyed by a win in the disputed Sudan election in April, President Omar Al Bashir continues to thumb his nose to critics at home and abroad, jailing journalists and challenging an arrest warrant for war crimes and genocide.

Mr. Bashir today flew to neighboring Chad on his first visit to a state member of the International Criminal Court since he was indicted in March 2009 for war crimes and crimes against humanity. The ICC ruled July 12 that Bashir is now also wanted on genocide charges. The ICC has requested that any member, including Chad, arrest Bashir upon arrival in the country.

His controversial visit comes a week after his government handed prison sentences to three Sudanese journalists for writing articles that suggested Bashir lacks popular support and that a Sudanese factory is making weapons for Iran and Hamas.

The prison terms, which range from two to five years, are the latest development in a crackdown on local media that began after Sudan’s national elections.

The crackdown is a stark turnaround from Bashir’s decision in September 2009 to lift the government’s pre-publication censorship of newspapers. The decree was a small concession to Western pressure to create free and fair conditions for Sudan’s first democratic election in 24 years.

But Bashir’s victory in the April polls, after most major opposition parties boycotted the vote, gave his ruling National Congress Party (NCP) almost total control over the institutions of the state, and the new government rapidly moved to shut down several newspapers.

On July 6, the government resumed pre-publication censorship across the board, limiting freedom of expression beyond what it was before the pre-election period.

Bashir emboldened

The three recently jailed journalists all worked for Rai al-Shaab, a newspaper of the opposition People’s Congress Party (PCP). Two weeks after Bashir’s election, the government’s ubiquitous internal security agents arrived at the newspaper’s office in Khartoum, arrested four journalists, and shut down the paper. The next day they arrested PCP leader Hassan al Turabi, who was imprisoned for 45 days before being released without charge.

Mr. Turabi says he was surprised by the government’s actions. “I thought they would want to appear democratic for a while – at least to put on a show for the West,” he says.

A few days later, pre-publication censorship resumed on three other papers. As the squeeze on opposition voices tightened, it became clear that the ruling regime had no concern about keeping up appearances.

“Immediately since they came back to power, they believe they cannot be touched,” says Salih Mahmoud Osman, a human rights lawyer and member of the Sudanese Communist Party. Mr. Osman believes that the international community’s acceptance of the election results, despite the admission that they were flawed, has emboldened the regime.

Operating under adversity

Other newspapers have been given a choice to either remove sensitive content or cease publication.

The computer room of the Sudanese Communist Party’s Al Midan newspaper is a veritable hive of activity for a paper out of circulation for more than a month. On June 6, security agents demanded the right to censor Al Midan’s work before they sent it to the printing press. Al Midan’s editor refused, citing the freedom of expression guarantees in Sudan’s internationally sponsored Interim Constitution.

But with security agents stationed at the printing press, he could not get his paper published. Since then, Al Midan journalists have continued to come up with a paper three times a week. Each time, they send it to the printing press, and each time it gets sent back. But they are finding other ways to get their message out.

Using a dusty old printer, the Al Midan staff produce 15 black-and-white copies, which they staple together and distribute to civil society groups in the area. And they are also managing to publish on the web. While the government sometimes blocks their website, journalist Mohamed Al Fadih says that the government’s web censorship is “not very sophisticated.” There is a bigger constraint looming, however. With no actual paper to sell, there is no money for staff salaries.

The latest wave of censorship also targets newspapers that are not affiliated to a political party.

“It’s really very serious. We don’t know when they will close us down,” says Alfred Taban, editor of the Khartoum Monitor, which was also placed under pre-publication censorship this month.

With 50 staff to pay, Mr. Taban has not accepted the effective ban that would result if he refused the censors. So each night, at about 8 p.m., security agents come to the Khartoum Monitor office, demanding to see the next day’s copy and removing whatever they don’t like. Mostly the journalists scramble to replace the prohibited articles with less sensitive material or with photographs.

Some nights, the need for a small act of defiance wins out, and the journalists leave half a page empty, “to show our readers we are under censorship,” Taban says.

All in the name of unity

Before the elections, journalists say that the government’s main “red lines” were the publication of articles on the International Criminal Court’s case against the Sudanese president, and on the conflict in Darfur. Now though, the government has a bigger concern – the unity of the Sudanese state.

In January next year, the people of southern Sudan will have a referendum on whether they want to become an independent nation. The right to self-determination was granted to southerners in a 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the NCP and the main southern political party, the SPLM. In theory, both parties were supposed to spend the six years until the referendum making unity an attractive option. In practice, neither have done so, and there is a widespread belief that next year’s vote will see Sudan split in two.

Mariam Sadiq Al Mahdi, spokesperson for the opposition Umma Party, says the NCP cannot afford secession for two reasons. The first is the ensuing loss of resource-rich southern land. “The government budget is more than 60 percent dependent on oil, mainly from the south,” she says.

Second would be the historical stigma on Bashir’s government: “They took over a unified country and then it was divided under their rule.” At the eleventh hour, the NCP is trying desperately shift course – less by actually making unity attractive to southerners, and more by repressing anyone who speaks of secession.

Ministry of Information advisor Rabie Abdul Atti says that it was journalists who forced the government to resume pre-publication censorship, by writing articles in favor of secession. With just six months until the referendum, what matters now is unity.

“Secessionist views,” he says, “are against the Constitution … the government will not allow anyone to act against the constitution, or make trouble for the Sudan.”

According to Dr. Atti, articles about the ICC or Darfur are no longer a serious concern for the government. Apparently, it’s also of no concern to ICC member state Chad. The mayor of the capital, N’djamena, presented Bashir with a key to the city upon his arrival today.

This article was supported by funding from the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.


Somaliland ‘s Unity party victory a cause belli for conflict ?

Somaliland ‘s Unity party victory a cause belli for conflict ?  by Prof. Muse Tegegne

National electoral Commission of Somaliland


The  June election in Somaliland is victory to democracy in the horn of  Africa compared to the recent election in Ethiopia, Sudan & Burundi.

The National Electoral Commission (NEC) declared  Kulmiye (Unity) party the winner. Kulmiye party received 49.6% of the vote, while the party of president Dahir Rayale Kahin (UDUB party), managed just 33.1 per cent Second opposition party, UCID (Justice and Welfare party) finished third scoring 17.2 per cent of the vote.  The international community want to see change that might bring more respect  and democracy in the  region. The Final result announced Kulimye: 266906 | 49.6% ,UDUB: 178881 | 33.1% UCID: 92439 | 17.2% .

Kulmiye leaders known for their  Pansomlaian  ideology will show more and more unification tendacies and their cross board relation with the   Islamists.  The  June 26, 2010, Presidential elections results was hold to the  July 1 2010 by creating  collusion to the Somalian independent and unification date  in July 1st, 1960. This  will compromise the the long waited international recognition of Somaliland as an independent state.

“The election is a sham and a dictation of anti-Islamic forces.” declared  Al Shebab

Somaliland a former British colony tacked on to Somalia when the latter gained independence from Italy in 1960,and jioned Somlia Itlaian till  It broke away from Somalia in 1991, after the overthrow of Siad Barre.

Egypt and Eritrea has been suspected  as being a   sponsors of the Kulmiye victory in Hagessa and Iran not far away. They  are  will push for Somaliland to tighten controls on international trade, through Berbera, to sustain landlocked Ethiopia. It seems in very near future the Kulmiye and al-Shabaab leadership will push to take over control of the Government of Somalia which will put Somaliland to the confusion of  of Somalian Syndrome.

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SOMALILAND: President-elect forms new Commission to form government thumbnail

President-elect visits president Riyale

President-elect visits president Riyale thumbnail

President-elect Ahmed Mohamed Silaanyo paid a surprise visit to the outgoing President Dahir Riyale Kahin in his office on Sunday morning.

A source close to the new president said the purpose of his visit was to warmly greet and congratulate the outgoing President. It added, the new President was amazed how well Mr Riyale reacted and conceded defeat. Silaanyo was quoted saying: “It’s the sign of a true leader who comes forward and concedes defeat.”

The two also forgave each others for what each said to the other over the years.

Mr Riyale who took office in May 2002, after the death of Mohammed Haji Ibrahim Egal, will be remembered for bringing stability to Somaliland and strengthening democracy in the country despite the many election delays.

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New group eyes ‘united’ Somalia

Horn, Red Sea Braces for Instability as Somaliland Moves Toward Islamist Reunification With Somalia

– By Gregory R. Copley

The Election Commission of the Republic of Somaliland on July 1, 2010 — as noted, the highly-iconic 50th anniversary date of the original union of the Republic of Somaliland with the former Italian Somaliland to create the Union of Somalia — announced that the pan-Somalist, radical Islamist Kulmiye party candidate, Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, had won the June 26, 2010, Presidential elections.

Kulmiye — with major support from a broadly-based network of Islamists throughout the region, a range of pan-Somalists and southern Somalian clans, several regional governments, and at least one major Western front organization — prepared a broad campaign for which the UDUP Government under Pres. Dahir Riyale Kahin, although fully warned, were totally unprepared. Kulmiye had stage-managed significant elements of the Election Commission, and the media, and had prepared a round of post-election back-up plans which included adding prepared, loaded ballot boxes, and a campaign of street protests in the event that it looked as though all other steps failed and in the event that the Government had, in fact, taken strong pre-emptive steps to curtail Kulmiye’s creative electioneering.

Kulmiye leaders and other pan-Somalists and Islamists with who they were working had been noting that July 1, 2010, would be the symbolic date of the beginning of the reunification of the two Somalilands. That the Election Commission, which had been strongly influenced by payments from foreign sources (as GIS/Defense & Foreign Affairs had noted earlier), withheld announcement of the results of the June 26, 2010, Presidential elections until the iconic date of July 1, as if confirming the reports of collusion with the pan-Somalists.

The ramifications of the event will gradually become apparent, quite apart from short-term impact on Somaliland’s hitherto stable society. Domestically, shari’a law will become dominant, and cooperation with jihadist groups, such as al-Shabaab, will become routine. Somaliland, for even as long as it continues to exist as an entity, will cease meaningful cooperation with the West on counter-terrorism and counter-piracy issues.

The key sponsors of the Kulmiye take-over, particularly Egypt and Eritrea, and possibly Iran, will push for Somaliland to tighten controls on international trade, through Berbera, to sustain landlocked Ethiopia. Clearly, the Kulmiye and al-Shabaab leadership will also push to take over control of the Government of Somalia, such as it is, within any new de facto or de jure reunion of the two Somalilands.

One very direct result will be to add pressure on the Meles Zenawi Government in Ethiopia, forcing it to rely more, once again, on Djibouti as the entrepot for Ethiopian trade. This will add significantly to Ethiopia’s costs, given Djibouti’s history of exploiting its position in this trade in the past. This accords with Egypt’s wishes to weaken Ethiopia, which controls the headwaters of the Blue Nile, the major source of water for Egypt. Egypt’s position of hostility to upstream riparian states on the Blue and White Niles, and Egypt’s refusal, this year, to come to an agreement on Nile water usage with other riparian states.

Egypt’s challenge to Ethiopia, as the principal water source for the Nile, may, however trigger a backlash, and actually cause Ethiopia to attempt to dam or divert Nile waters for energy and agricultural purposes, literally leading to a reduction in flow to Sudan and Egypt. The Egyptian Government has noted in the past that any attempts to deny Egypt the water to which it feels it has a legal right — in contradistinction to inter-state legal precedent on the topic — would represent casus belli: cause for war. The Egyptian Government has put interference with Nile waters ahead of any other possible cause for war.

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Eritrea, meanwhile, still harbors hopes that Ethiopia would be forced to an accommodation with Eritrea to use the ports which Eritrea assumed from Ethiopia when Eritrean independence was willingly given by Addis Ababa — at the express command of Prime Minister Meles — in 1993. This is, perhaps, still the major point of contention which Ethiopians have against Prime Minister Meles: not just that he gave Eritrea, historically always a part of the Ethiopian Empire, its independence, but that he included in that “give away” before he even became an elected head-of-government coastal areas and ports of Ethiopia which had never been part of the Eritrean province. That move left Ethiopia land-locked and dependent on Eritrea for port access, a move which Eritrea exploited so ruthlessly — demanding that Ethiopia receive untradeable Eritrean currency for all of its exports — that a break in relations came, precipitating the Ethiopian-Eritrean wars.

Ethiopia subsequently developed port access through Djibouti, and then Berbera. Thus the collapse of the alliance with Somaliland, as a result of the July 1, 2010, announcement of a new President there, is of profound concern for Addis Ababa. The Pan-Somalists and al-Shabaab and others involved in the change in Somaliland are themselves openly and strenuously hostile to Ethiopia, which had militarily supported the Somaliland Government and had also put troops into Somalia — including into the Somalian capital (and former capital of Italian Somaliland), Mogadishu, to fight the Islamists, including al-Shabaab.

It is highly significant that the Italian Government had supported the pan-Somalists based on historical feelings of identity with the onetime Italian Somaliland, despite the reality that this has contributed significantly to the continued instability in the Horn. Similarly, the Italian Government has sustained its profound support for Eritrea against Ethiopia, once again because of “historical solidarity” with Eritrea, which it had briefly colonized, before being defeated on two occasions in Ethiopia (1893, at the Battle of Adwa, the most significant defeat of a Western power in Africa; and in 1941). What is significant is that the Italian Government has gained nothing of strategic value for this emotional attachment, but has contributed significantly to the instability of the Horn of Africa.

It is now possible that the Eritrea-Ethiopia relations will undergo a further increase in tensions. Eritrea put in substantial guerilla forces, and support for dissidents in Ethiopia, in the run-up to the June parliamentary elections which returned Prime Minister Meles’ coalition to power.

It would be unsurprising if direct hostilities broke out again between Ethiopia and Eritrea within a year. Indeed, this may be the key to Eritrean Pres. Isayas Afewerke retaining power in his state, despite the continuing decline in the state’s economic fortunes and the increasing repression in his state.

Significantly, the transforming situation marked by the July 1, 2010, collapse of Somaliland’s moderate, pro-Western Government will be to ensure greater access by international jihadist and terrorist groups to the Horn of Africa; greater difficulty for external states to influence and reduce the incidence of piracy in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean regions around the Horn; a greater ability for groups supported by Iran to support cross Bab el-Mandeb operations against the Yemeni Government (and supporting anti-Sana’a forces based in the former South Yemen regions); as well as stimulating the prospect for Eritrean-Ethiopian conflict and possibly initiating Ethiopian-Egyptian military tensions.

Overall, the move to topple the moderate Government in Hargeisa, the Somaliland capital, provides a safe-haven for a wide range of activities by Islamists, jihadists, and other non-governmental actors from bases in the Horn. These will play into hostilities within the Arabian Peninsula as a whole, and will interact, almost certainly, with anti-state players in Pakistan. In all of this, Iran has historically played a key rôle in Somalia, and this will expand.

The Iran-Sudan-Egypt Connection

By Spring 2010, Tehran and its allies were increasingly worried about their strategic posture at the Red Sea as a result of the growing militant-separatist sentiments in southern Sudan. The likely outbreak of a civil war in Sudan would deprive Iran and jihadists the use of Sudan’s Red Sea ports as the base from which to block the Red Sea in case of a major confrontation with the US. The series of Israeli clandestine, air, and naval strikes against convoys and ships in northern Sudan carrying weaponry to the HAMAS in Gaza (to be delivered via Egypt and the Sinai) only added to the Iranian sense of vulnerability.

In mid-April 2010, Sudan held the first ostensibly free elections in 24 years. According to the official results, President Omar al-Bashir and his ruling National Congress Party (NCP) won 68.24 percent of the votes. Far more significant, however, was the election of Salva Kiir Mayardit with an overwhelming majority of 92.99 percent to the post of both the First Vice President of the Republic of Sudan and the post of president of Sudan’s southern region. Kiir was the candidate of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) which advocates the secession of the south in order to establish an independent state in the upcoming referendum now scheduled for January 2011. The referendum is the final step in the implementation of the January 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the SPLM and Khartoum.

However, Khartoum has already vowed to prevent the dismemberment of Sudan — particularly given the vast oil reserves in the south (particularly the disputed Abyei region) — and already manipulated the 2008 census results to reduce the number of eligible black voters in the south and bloat the number of Arab voters in the north. This created growing tension and fear of the resumption of the vicious civil war.

Indeed, starting 2008, the SPLM began using oil revenues in order to purchase heavy weapons — including tanks, artillery and rockets — in the former Soviet Union and ship them, via Kenyan ports, to Sudan in preparation for the anticipated resumption of fighting. The extent of the procurement efforts of the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) was revealed in September when Somali pirates working for Sudanese intelligence hijacked a Ukrainian cargo ship carrying 33 T-72 tanks and crates of small arms. The ship later released after Kiev showed proper end-user documents identifying Kenya as the owner of the weapons and the pirates received a $3.2-million ransom. The flow of weapons has markedly intensified since Spring 2009. Some of these weapons were already used in the pre-election clashes in March 2010.

In early Summer 2010, the SPLA drafted plans to train pilots and acquire combat aircraft and helicopters. “We want to transform SPLA from a guerilla force into a veritable military,” SPLA spokesman Maj.-Gen. Dame Koala said. Khartoum immediately warned that the establishment of an air force or navy in the south would violate the CPA. But SPLM leaders reiterated their commitment to establishing a proper military using oil revenues.

In May 2010, SPLM Secretary General Pagan Amum warned in an interview with the Saudi-owned Al-Sharq al-Awsat that the establishment of an Islamic Republic in Sudan, as advocated by Bashir in the aftermath of the April elections, would lead to the break-up of the country. “If the National Congress Party insists on implementing a program for building the Islamic Republic then southerners will have no choice but to vote for secession. If the National Congress Party insists on imposing its policies of oppression and racial discrimination then southerners must secede, and if the National Congress Party continues to plunder the wealth of the south and unjustly divide oil revenues in the absence of transparency, then southerners will have to break free from those tyrants,” Amum warned.

In early June 2010, Amum raised the ante in another interview with Al-Sharq al-Awsat in which he asserted that unification was unlikely under current conditions. “In the shadow of the National Economic Salvation regime, and its Islamic project, there is no solution, or even a drop of hope or Sudanese unity. … There is no possibility or even the slightest chance to achieve Sudanese unity unless the NCP reoccupied the South and takes control of it through military force. This would be a bloody step, and this would not represent unification but occupation.” Amum confirmed that Kiir is actively preparing to form a government of the South in their capital Juba. All the best SPLM cadres were transferred to Juba and only expandable SPLM officials were sent to fill CPA-mandated positions in the Khartoum Government.

Amum warned that the suggested postponement of the referendum would restart the civil war. “Any side that calls for postponement would, in other words, be calling for the Sudanese people to return to fighting. This would be a dangerous and irresponsible action to take.” Although the South prefers to secede peacefully, Juba is cognizant that war is all but inevitable. Amum stated that “if there is no other choice but war, we will enter it [war]. The Sudanese People’s Liberation Army is capable of solving these problems and restoring security,” Amum stressed, “it is one of the largest armies in the region, and it has fought long wars, has excellent combat experience and is currently being transformed into a regular army.”

As is the case of Somaliland, Egypt and Eritrea lead calls for the southern Sudanese referendum on self-determination to be postponed.

Possible Outcomes

In summary, coupled with the linked developments in Sudan, and as a result of the pivotal change in Hargeisa on July 1, 2010, the following developments should be expected, at the very least:

1. Increased Iranian support and capability for African, Arabian Peninsula, and Pakistani jihadist and terrorist activities, including support for the “Islamic Republic of Eastern Arabia”, and direct actions aimed at overthrowing the present Yemen Government. This will all ultimately impact on trade costs and energy costs;

2. Increased piracy activities out of Somalian Puntland, with less ability for external powers to intervene or influence;

3. Significant revival of Eritrean-Ethiopian tensions, leading to the increased prospect for renewed conventional war;

4. Significant increase in Ethiopia-Egypt tensions, with a number of possible outcomes;

5. Spread of Somalia-style warlordism into Somaliland, and a new set of competitions for power over the entire Somalian entity, with unforeseeable results, other than that the competition will be protracted and indecisive. The likelihood will be that the African Union and United Nations will be called on, again, to provide peacekeeping forces for Somalia, with significant cost in capital and lives for the international community;

6. Potential for increased insurgency aimed at overthrowing the Djibouti Government of Pres. Ismail Omar Guelleh (bearing in mind that “French Somaliland”, now Djibouti, is one of the stars in the pan-Somalists pantheon) (and bearing in mind that Djibouti remains a thorn in the side of Eritrean Pres. Isayas, who sees now only Djibouti providing an escape valve for Ethiopia);
7. Increased activities by Eritrean-backed terrorist and guerilla activities inside Ethiopia, possibly with the revived support of Libyan Pres. Mu’ammar al-Qadhafi and Egypt.

The interactive result of all of this, including the Sudanese developments, will be to increase the dangers to shipping in the Red Sea/Suez SLOC, and compound threats to Yemen and Saudi Arabia, at the very least. This contributes significantly to Iran’s strategy to weaken Saudi Arabia’s influence. Ironically, many of the jihadist/Islamist activities in the Horn have been ostensibly Wahabbist/neo-salafist in nature, deriving from the State-sponsored Saudi sect of Sunni Islam, which have — as with Osama bin Laden’s proselytization — been used against the Saudi State and interests.

Ironically, early recognition of the sovereignty of the Republic of Somaliland when it broke away — as it had every legal right to do — from the ill-fated union with Somalia in 1990 would have prevented this situation, and would have helped stabilize the Horn of Africa long before this time. Egypt, the Arab League, and Saudi Arabia worked hard to prevent this recognition, but the African Union (AU), and the major trading powers with a vital interest in the Red Sea, could have unilaterally recognized Somaliland.

The absolutely spurious claim that Somaliland could not be recognized because it was a “breakaway” state from Somalia should have been recognized for what it was: legally nonsensical. Somaliland was fully independent and sovereign from the United Kingdom — its earlier colonial overlord — before it joined into the union with Italian Somaliland.

To say that Somaliland could not withdraw, and be recognized, from that union in 1990 would be tantamount to saying that Egypt could no longer be recognized as independent when it withdrew from its “United Arab Republic” experiment with Syria.

The outgoing Government of Somaliland was warned, privately, of the moves being made to overthrow it by using the occasion of the Presidential election to stage what amounts to a coup de manœuvre, and yet proved incapable of addressing the threat. GIS/Defense & Foreign Affairs also publicly identified the process through 2010. And yet no-one acted, other than the extremists and their Western supporters who may well have been promised resource concessions in the region as payment for their support.


Kampala World Cup Blast announces the metastases of Somalian Syndrome in the dictatorial capitals of the Horn of Africa..

It is very sad and condemnable to use civilian as a  tragic  target for such in human act, especially those sport fans of the World Cup.  Today the Mogadishu  syndrome is expanding in the Horn of Africa with highest rhythm than before. And  the enemy of democracy could exploit any situation to mark its ruthlessness  across the world. The world Cup that unites us in peace has been denounced in Mogadishu and blasted in Kampala!!!

The Ugandan Capital is the new old  target for the continues  Somalian syndrome which is havocking the Horn of Africa.  The main cause of the conflict in the Horn of Africa is the the  perpetuation of the reign of  dictators which become fertile ground for terrorist acts. There is no any  democratically elected head of state or any democratic power transition  in all of the seven countries in the region except that of unrecognized break away  Somaliland.  Somalia (Mogadishu), Ethiopia, Eritrea, Uganda, Sudan, Rwanda leaders  came to power  through  arms way, either  using liberation struggle or a mere coup d’etat.  In the Horn of Africa the state power  is  forged under the barrel of the gun. These men in arm once in power they cling to it and continue to monger war in the region via Somalia. They play  a  sham democratic election to lulle the west. And they   always win over 90% of the vote by ragging. Eash of the state helping   AMISON the African union peace keeping mission in Somali  are  member states of  IGAD and  infested by internal unresolved conflicts. Somalia has been  the Kurdistan of these dictatorial regimes. Since its colonial inception, the dream of  “Great Somaliland” with five sided  stares  are pointing to the five different  Somali populated regions in the Horn of  Africa. Somalis like most of the post colonial African ethnic minorities  are distributed through  the post colonial  frontiers of   Ethiopia, Djibouti, Kenya. The rest Somalis are at war and  divided into the break away Somaliland,  Puntland and Mogadishu. The Somalian internal conflict helps to maintain  the balkanization of the colonially divided regions like Kashmir and Kurdistan. It looks very far before the  Great Somaliland come to reality.  Rather the balkanization of  Somalia and the rest of the Horn of African States will continue. Under the foot step of Eritrea,  Southern Sudan will soon be the new state with that of  Puntland and Somaliland on the agenda.  The short term consequences of the Somalian  syndrome would be the  continual tragic  Mogadishu  type suicidal  bastes   making civilian victims  in and around the region. In the  middle term such syndrom   would  perpetuate  the power of  the armed dictators in the political scene. The worst would be the  long term consequences which will result in the balkanization of  the region to   small ethical ungovernable  auto proclaimed states. This is  following the paradigm set by the Ethiopian ethno-genocidal   Dictator Melese  Ethnical states since 1991.

The Horn of  Africa has been a fertile ground for conflict and extremism since the fall of the Eastern block  in 1991. This collapse  brought  the fall of the satellite regimes in Somalia and Ethiopia preceded by a military coup in Khartoum in 1989 where Ben Laden was the institutionalist .   It was soon   followed by  the  collapse of the Dictatorial Regime of Siad Bare in Mogadisho  provocating the the fall  of the Somalian State. This was further ignited  by the comming in power of an irridetist rouge  regime of  Melese Zenawie in Addis Ababa, at the fall of the Communist regime of  Mengistu Haile Mariam the same year. These dictatorial regimes use the Somalia as a proxy to their internal and regional post East-West conflict. The best demonstration  would be  that of  Eritea and Ethiopian proxy war in Somalia.  The more the Somalian exterime group  create havoc, the more  the power of these fallen states  increaseas.  The  the regional dictators existance in power is directely proportional to the militarization  and  radicalized Somalia. The Somalian  exterime  ideology is also helping the other dictators of the region to use it to their  Machiavellian political ends   to disguise  as   peace makers and fighters of liberity and stability in the region. Today to prove  your solidarity you have to send a solider to Somalia or Support the fallen regime in Mogadishu controlling only his residence.  Such outright  support  is a ticket to   western finical and diplomatic support  to your own dictatorial  military regime to perpetuate at the cost of the people of Somalia.

The Somalian resistance to the creation of   state is not a news phenomenon in  pre and post colonial Africa.  The Somalis    speaking  the  same language  and having the same religion are highly divided by a sphosticated  clan based rivalry.

Today the horn of African dictators  use Somalia as a escape goat to cover up  their  internal undemocratic tyrancial regimes. Uganda is mined with  its  long overdue internal conflict with the Lords Resistance Army (LRA), of Joseph Kony. The Ugandian strong man  needs the Somali conflict to classify Kony’s Sudanese assisted movment   under  auspices of  international terrorism. The   unfinished Baganda  revolution who gave the country its name  has  recently manifested to the international scenario   at the recent unjustified  burning of their  respected  King’s cemetery in  Kampala. This cynical act  has revived  the  most challenging  long awaited   but  never delivered power transition by  Yoweri Museveni’s regime.   The Ugandan  participation in  AMISOM is just as Trojan  horse for  Melese Zenawi  and pretext to  perpetuate his grip on power home. Yoweri Museveni originated from   Ankoli  Bahima  ethnic group which drives its tribal  ancestry from the Merotic kings of Ethiopia. The Ankoli in power in   Uganda  are the same Ethnic configuration with that of the Tutis  in Rwanda, Burundi and Bayamalenge in Congo. The Kampala  world cup blast could be  from one the internal factors  attached by the majority  population resisting the Bahima hegemony starching from Burundi to the highland of Ethiopia. Uganda  & Burundi’s  implication in the Somalia  will  have a far reaching consequences resulting in a serious of conflict that will engulf  Mogadishu , Addis Ababa, Nirobi, Bujumbura  and Asmara as  continuation of internal ethnic and political  crisis of the   Eastern Africa beleaguered states .  The  de facto  attribution  of  the worldcup blast in Kampala  to Somalia war lords minimizing  the internal factors of each canoutries political set up   will be simplification and playing in the hands of  dictatorial regimes in the region. The bomb is symbolically set to blast in the Ethiopian restaurant to show  and protest the implication of the leaders of Uganda  to the conflict in the horn of Africa .

Burundi also  needs  Somalian cover up to fashion its   long unsolved internal conflict whcih costs thousands of lifes  since the Genocide of  1972. The country  is undergoing post colonial  internal  Ethnic imbalance between the Tutis 15 % ( controlling the army originated from Ethiopia like the Ankole Of Uganda)  and the majority Bawetu over 80% of the population.  Burundi’s participating in Somalia  is an internal  balancing act of Tutsi controlled army by outreaching and supporting  the minority    regime of Ethiopia in Somalia and as a  reenforcement  to their minority  power internally.

Kenya has its northern federated region revendicated by  Greater Somalia as one of  its five  corner stares.  The incumbent president, Kibaki, is a member of Kenya’s largest and probably most powerful ethnic group, the Kikuyu, who total about 22 percent of the population; his rival, Odinga, is a member of the Luo, who comprise some 13 percent of the populace and live predominantly in western Kenya. In their bitter contest, in which Odinga promised to end ethnic favoritism and spread the country’s wealth more equitably, ethnicity was the deciding factor, and a marred victory on either side had always been likely to spark violence. The resent June 2010   Electoral  and that of the 2008 bombing in Nairobi has its Somalian factor resourcing  from the  Somalian populated western region of  Kenya.  Kenya and Djibouti are inside the volcano of the Somalian syndrome as long as they are under  the domino of  minority dictatorial regimes like that of  Ethiopia.

In conclusion the Somlians are the Kurdistans of the Horn of Africa, every regime in the region  uses Somalia to cover up their internal crime.  The result is the expansion of the conflict in all of the region of 200 million inhabitants. In days  to come the regime is condemned we will be seeing more crisis  griping the region so long  as  minority dictators are in power. And more of refugees will be  escaping these rouge and  fallen states to save their lives. The international terrosort orgnaization have found  a fertile ground cultivated  and  delivred by dictatorial regimes. In colnclusion more drastic blasts will be daily life  in the diffrent capitlas of the horn of Africa as long as democraitationzion  and power sharing is in political impasse.

Geghna Ethiopianism

Kris Sledge, a U.S. citizen injured after an explosion attack at the "Ethiopian village" restaurant rests inside a ward at the International hospital in Kampala, July 12, 2010. Somali Islamists said ...

Somalia’s Militants to Target Burundi

‘Suicide vest’ found after Uganda World Cup blasts

BBC News
Officials said the dead and wounded also included Ethiopian, Eritrean, Indian and Congolese nationals. Mr Opolot added that the other victims had not yet 

Map of Kampala


How should Ugandans Respond?

23 Killed Watching World Cup

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Uganda bombings: who was behind them?

Ethiopia confirms death of its citizens in Uganda terror attack …

More than 20 deaths feared after blasts in Uganda

23 Killed in an Ethiopian Restaurant  Kampala  Watching World Cup

Islamist militia members walk past a training camp in Somalia's lower Shabelle region in October 2009.


Opposition Leader Wants ICC to Investigate Uganda’s Leader

Uganda reveals democracy question


Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni

Museveni’s critics fear he is seeking a third term in office

Uganda’s electoral board has published the question to be asked in next month’s referendum on whether multiparty politics should be restored.

It is: “Do you agree to open up the political space to allow those who wish to join different organisations/ parties to do so to compete for political power?”

The electoral board said it had consulted closely with both sides of the debate before deciding on the question.

Since President Yoweri Museveni came to power 19 years ago, Uganda has operated a unique political system which severely restricted political parties.

Five years ago a similar referendum backed keeping the “movement” system.

Last month, Uganda’s parliament voted overwhelmingly in favour of holding a referendum on the country returning to a full multi-party democracy.

The motion was backed by all but 21 MPs and is being pushed for by Mr Museveni who says “it must go ahead”.

Third term

The one-party movement system of government was introduced to try and prevent the chaos and ethnic conflicts that plagued Uganda throughout the 1970s and early 80s.

At present political parties are allowed to exist but candidates for office must run as individuals – not representatives of a party.

Some had argued that holding a referendum would be too expensive but Mr Museveni has said the people must decide.

The Ugandan government and opposition parties all support a return to multi-party politics ahead of elections in a year’s time.

Mr Museveni’s critics, however, fear that as the constitution is amended to bring in multiparty elections, it will also be altered to let the president seek a third term in office, from which he is currently barred.

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Tuesday 13 July 2010

‘Terrorism was not really part of the landscape in Uganda’

Sunday’s bomb blasts in Kampala have left the city’s residents shocked. Ugandans face many challenges, but their capital city has, for the past decade or so, felt like a safe, familiar place

One of the victims of the Uganda bomb blasts receives treatment at Mulago hospital in Kampala. Photograph: Str/EPA

Like many people in Uganda, I went to bed at about 9pm on Sunday. I was not really following the World Cup, and I was tired after travelling across the city to visited a friend’s daughter at her boarding school. It had been a long, hot afternoon, and I was happy to get some rest.

At about 1am I woke up and turned the radio on for company. I turned to the BBC World Service. First of all I picked up the result: Spain had won and the Dutch had not played well. Then I realised I was listening to the newsreader announce that there had been two bomb blasts in Kampala.

My first reaction was a mixture of surprise and shock. Ugandans face many challenges, but their capital city has, for the past decade or so, felt like a safe, familiar place. The nightlife is open and easy-going. And the gentleness of central Kampala makes a sharp contrast with other African cities, such as Nairobi and Johannesburg, where hustling and theft is common. Terrorism, of the variety reported on the radio, was not really part of the landscape.

One of the victims of the Uganda bomb blasts receives treatment at Mulago hospital, Kampala

What have people made of the bombings? Over the past day I have picked up a mixture of shock, but also a certain wariness about what the bombings mean.

As is often the case, details emerged in sketchy fashion. At first the numbers were put at 13, then somewhere in the 20s. The local newsreader kept on commenting on the sadness of the events. By the time I left the house yesterday morning there were at least 64 confirmed deaths. Today, the number is 74. The venues targeted were the Kyadondo rugby club in Lugogo, an elegant venue that you pass as you head out of town on the Jinja Road, and the Ethiopian Village restaurant in Kabalaga. Both are popular spots for westerners living in Kampala.

The wariness probably came from the need to be careful about what you say to a foreigner (particularly on something that might link up to national security questions). Many of the people I spoke to refused to offer a definitive statement on what had gone on, and instead focused on the very real human tragedy. As yesterday progressed, survivor’s tales, often in gothic detail, started to emerge in the Ugandan media.

By contrast Uganda’s government was quick to assert culpability. Uganda’s inspector of police, general Kale Kayihura, told the New Vision newspaper that “these people” perpetrated the attack, meaning Somali Islamist movement al-Shabaab. Al-Shabaab is strongly opposed to the presence of an African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia (Amisom). Uganda has been by far the largest contributor to this peacekeeping mission. The Ugandan military has long been a recipient of support and technical advice from the US government.

Thinking back to yesterday morning, I was struck by the fairly circumspect comments of the BBC’s east Africa correspondent, Will Ross. In fairly diplomatic language he pointed out that there is no proof of al-Shabaab involvement and that “the blasts could be linked to next year’s elections in Uganda”.

Though this will get less play in the west, which mostly sees Africa through its own interests, Ross was referring to the instability of the domestic political scene in Uganda. Ethnic, regional and political antagonisms remain and they will shape next year’s elections. The current government is keen to ensure that President Museveni – in power for 24 years already – continues to serve as Uganda’s head of state.

The nature of the violence – bombings, in a part of the city popular with westerners – has been the hallmark of Islamist violence in Africa and the Middle East. The violence is unlikely to be connected to domestic politics, though this will not silence the rumour-mongerers and conspiracy theorists that congregate around terrorist acts.

What can be said is that Uganda is an increasingly nervous place. The elections give most people cause for concern. The alliance with the US is not without problems. An increasingly hardline version of Christianity may result in tensions with Uganda’s sizeable Muslim population (about 10%). There is also a fairly large Somali population in Kampala, which must now feel vulnerable.

From next Monday to 27 July, Kampala will be hosting the 15th annual summit of the African Union, when heads of state including South Africa’s Jacob Zuma, Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi and Liberia’s Ellen Johnson Sirleaf will be in town. For those living in Kampala it will be a difficult time


Terror Bombings in Uganda: A Prelude to Regional War?

by Austin Bay
July 13, 2010

Sunday’s terror bombings, which murdered 76 people in Uganda’s capital, Kampala, are another signal that East Africa could face a devastating regional war.

The attack demonstrates that Islamist terrorists willing to commit mass murder to advance their criminal theology remain active in eastern Africa. Americans first became aware of al-Qaida following the August 1998 terror bombings of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.

Somalia’s al-Qaida-affiliated Al Shabab Islamist terror group has claimed credit for the Kampala massacre. One bomb exploded in an Ethiopian cafe filled with World Cup soccer fans. Al Shabab’s murderers picked that target carefully. Ethiopia supports Al Shabab’s nationalist opponents in Somalia.

Ugandan troops serve with the African Union peacekeeping force in Somalia, which makes Uganda a special target for Al Shabab. Al Shabab’s attacks in Kampala may be an attempt to repeat al-Qaida’s “Madrid Precedent.” Recall al-Qaida launched attacks in Madrid in March 2004, just before Spain’s national elections. A “pro-peace” government was elected, and it withdrew Spanish forces serving in Iraq. Uganda has national elections scheduled for early next year.

A more dangerous regional war, however, lurks in East Africa. Uganda borders on south Sudan. Every day relations between the semi-autonomous Government of South Sudan (GOSS) and Sudan’s national (northern) government in Khartoum deteriorate. The 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which ended the last north-south war, the Second Sudan Civil War, stipulated that a plebiscite on southern independence be held in 2011. Many southerners believe South Sudan is already a separate country. They support independence — except the national government calls it “secession.”

Conditions exist for renewed civil war, and a nudge or two, a bomb here and assassination there, might ensure it. Al Shabab has studied the map. Should the Third Sudan Civil War erupt, Ethiopia would face war on a third front. Ethiopia already confronts Eritrea and Somalia. Radical Islamists would exploit the religious facets of renewed civil war: South Sudan is predominantly Christian and animist, and the north is predominantly Muslim.

The Second Sudan Civil War lasted two decades, left 2 million dead, created millions of refugees and — despite ritual denials by Khartoum’s Islamists — involved slaving by northern-backed “Arab” militias. Southern Christian and animist black tribespeople were kidnapped then sold. Uganda was a covert ally of the southerners, for many reasons, including close links with the Dinka tribe, which provided the leaders in the south’s Sudan Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA). Arab slaving, however, played a role.

Tribal violence already afflicts southern Sudan. Estimates vary (the areas involved are isolated), but a thousand people died in 2009 in tribal violence in South Sudan. The GOSS claims the north incites violence by providing arms to troublemakers. Sudan’s national president, Omar al-Bashir, is under indictment by the International Criminal Court for genocide in Darfur. Providing arms to willing killers is a proven Bashir policy.

Oil fuels North-South disputes, and in a new civil war oil fields will be battlefields. Roughly 75 percent of Sudan’s oil reserves are in territory that GOSS claims. “Claims” is appropriate because the exact north-south border has not been finalized. The two governments argue over oil income. South Sudan relies on oil royalties for 95 percent of its budget. The north dispenses the revenues. The GOSS contends the north cheated it of $300 million it was due in 2009.

Uganda insists Khartoum still supports Uganda’s Lord’s Resistance Army rebel group, so a new war could bring in Uganda as a military ally of the south. Kenya, and conceivably Ethiopia, might also be openly involved. Kenya has been a conduit for arms to the SPLA. In 2008, Somali pirates hijacked a ship transporting Ukrainian tanks to Kenya. The tanks’ destination was South Sudan.

A vital environmental and economic conflict further exacerbates tensions. Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda, Tanzania and Ethiopia have announced they will no longer abide by a 1929 colonial treaty that gives the downriver nations what they regard as an unjust share of Nile water. The Khartoum government and Egypt reject the upriver nations’ contentions.

Oil revenue and water rights disputes, religious differences, ethnic struggles and terrorists exploiting every division — East Africa’s fragile states edge toward a war of the poor that will create greater poverty.

IGAD Manipulated by Melese Zenawie is a force of division and conflict in the horn of Africa

Click for IGAD website

Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD)IGAD  is bragging to  be the   premier regional organization for achieving peace, prosperity and regional integration in the in the Horn of Africa . However, since its creation in 1996 the regions as gone major wars, military   interventions, chronic conflict, starvation,  regional division than integration. Since its creation has been manipulated by Meles Zenawie  for his power and regional position to re-enforce his international  and African Status and cover up his internal misconduct, ethnic cleansing and genocide.

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The seven member states of IGAD – Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda – cover an area of 5.2 Million sq. km and have a population of more than 200 Million. The average population growth rate of 2.6 % is one of the highest in the world and nearly half of the population is under 14 years of age.

This uncessful orgnaization took its root in 1983 and 1984, ( Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda)   established an intergovernmental body for development and drought control in their region(IGADD). Eritrea became the seventh member after attaining independence in 1993 and suspended its membership  from the organization April 21, 2007 after a rift with arch-foe Ethiopia at a meeting on Somalia this month threatened to divide the region. The reason given by the Eritrea:-

“It’s a temporary withdrawal. We feel that it’s not responsible to stay in that organisation when decisions are being made that are not legally or morally acceptable.” “The organisation is being manipulated by external forces, a number of repeated and irresponsible resolutions that undermine regional peace and security have been adopted in the guise of IGAD.”

The festering feud between Ethiopia and Eritrea, still bitter over their 1998-2000 border war and locked in what many see as a proxy war in Somalia.

Member State Area (Sq. Km) Population (m) Annual Population Growth(%) GNI per capita (US$)
Djibouti 23,200 0.793 1.8 1,010
Eritrea 117,600 4.4 3.9 170
Ethiopia 1,100,000 71.3 1.8 160
Kenya 580,400 34.3 2.3 540
Somalia 637,760 8.2 3.3
Sudan 2,500,000 36.2 2.0 640
Uganda 241,000 28.8 3.5 280
Total 5,199,900 184 Average 2.6

The  non realized objectives of IGAD were:-

  • Promote joint development strategies and gradually harmonize macro-economic policies and programmes in the social, technological and scientific fields;
  • Harmonize policies with regard to trade, customs, transport, communications, agriculture, and natural resources, and promote free movement of goods, services, and people within the region.
  • Create an enabling environment for foreign, cross-border and domestic trade and investment;
  • Achieve regional food security and encourage and assist efforts of Member States to collectively combat drought and other natural and man-made disatsters and their natural consequences;
  • Initiate and promote programmes and projects to achieve regional food security and sustainable development of natural resources and environment protection, and encourage and assist efforts of Member States to collectively combat drought and other natural and man-made disasters and their consequences;
  • Develop and improve a coordinated and complementary infrastructure, in the areas of transport, telecommunications and energy in the region;
  • Promote peace and stability in the region and create mechanisms within the region for the prevention, management and resolution of inter-State and intra-State conflicts through dialogue;
  • Mobilize resources for the implementation of emergency, short-term, medium-term and long-term programmes within the framework of regional cooperation;
  • Promote and realize the objectives of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the African Economic Community;
  • Facilitate, promote and strengthen cooperation in research development and application in science and technology

Africa:  Communique of the 15th Extraordinary Session of the IGAD Assembly of Heads of State thumbnail

Communique of the 15th Extraordinary Session of the IGAD Assembly of Heads of State

The Summit:

Having taken note of the decisions and recommendations made by the 36th Extra-ordinary Session of the IGAD Council of Ministers as reflected in their Communiqué of 15th June 2010,

Having taken note of the report of the IGAD military expert’s mission to Mogadishu,

Considering the brief by the President of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia and his appeal for urgent support and assistance to build the capacity of the TFG security forces,

Recalling the previous decisions of the IGAD Assembly of Heads of State and Government and the Council of Ministers on Somalia,

1. Notes with serious concern the deteriorating security situation in Somalia which poses serious threat to the peace, security and stability to the people and TFG of Somalia , the region and the international community ;

2. Reiterates the commitment and resolve of IGAD member states to give unswerving support and assistance to the TFG in its struggle against extremist and terrorist groups;

3. Underlines that the conflict in Somalia is not a conflict among the Somalis but between the people of Somalia and international terrorist groups;

4. Emphasizes the need for an urgent and robust response by international community led by the UN Security Council, to arrest the escalating danger facing Somalia and the sub-Region and reiterates its previous call to the UN to convert AMISOM into a UN peace keeping operation without delay;

5. Decides that a sustainable and reliable funding mechanism to be established and managed jointly by AMISOM, UNPOS, IGAD and the TFG for sustainment of the security forces upon development and deployment in Somalia;

6. Calls upon the African Union to relocate as soon as possible the civilian and police components of AMISOM to Mogadishu;

7. Regrets that the approved level of AMISOM troops has not been achieved thus far; and decides to deploy 2000 peacekeepers under AMISOM to Somalia immediately; and further calls upon the AU Commission to mobilize the necessary resources, logistics and equipment for the deployment;

8. Decides to work with all parties including AMISOM and UN Security Council to raise 20,000 troops to be deployed throughout the country. In this regard, Summit Embraces the need to mobilize Somali forces internally with possible intervention by neighboring countries including approaching the East African Community (EAC) and empower them with resources and equipment;

9. Endorses the recommendations of the military mission to Somalia as amended; Directs the Chiefs of Defense Staff of IGAD Member States to convene an urgent meeting and submit to the AU Commission an action plan to deploy 2000 peace keepers to Somalia to enable AMISOM to reach the authorized strength of 8100, and to review and implement, as appropriate, the recommendations made by the IGAD Military Mission to Somalia;

10. Directs the Chairperson of the Council of Ministers and IGAD Secretariat to make the necessary arrangement for the convening of the meeting of the IGAD chiefs of defense staff;

11. Decides to render support to the TFG Security institutions by providing inter alia training of troops and trainers , establishment of joint command and providing experts;

12. Directs IGAD Secretariat to strengthen its office in Mogadishu within 15 days and Calls upon AMISOM, UNPOS and IGAD to establish in Mogadishu an operational level coordination mechanism to strengthen and harmonize their support to the TFG in the areas of training, establishment of command and control structure;

13. Express appreciation to the partner Countries and organizations that are currently providing financial, material and technical assistance to the TFG andCalls upon them to enhance and sustain their support;

14. Welcomes the Agreement signed between the TFG and Ahlu  Sunna Wal Jamma’a on 15 March 2010 in Addis Ababa and encourages the parties to realize the full implementation of the Agreement;

15. Encouraged by the commitment of the leadership of the TFG and urgesTransitional Federal Institutions (TFIs) to enhance their cohesion and unity in the face of the enormous challenges that Somalia is facing currently and in order to make progress in the accomplishment of the numerous tasks envisaged for the transitional period;

16. Calls upon the Chairperson of AUC to appoint an eminent person to lead the campaign for peace in Somalia. The eminent person shall be at the apex of a coordinating mechanism towards reconstitution and building the State of Somalia and to raise the profile of the country internationally;

17. Calls upon the international community to continue assisting refugees, internally displaced persons and victims of violence.

18. Affirms that the Djibouti process remains the sole basis for the Somalia peace and reconciliation and Rejects the proliferation of initiatives inimical to the swift resolution of the crisis in Somalia; Urges the TFG to continue the efforts it has been making to broaden its base while ensuring that the process is protected from the threat posed by extremists whose major effort includes the dismantling of the Djibouti process;

19. Calls upon AU Member states that have not contributed troops to render financial and material support to Somalia;

20. Having listened to a brief by H.E. Ismael Omar Guelleh, the President of the Republic of Djibouti on the mediation efforts by Qatar between Djibouti and Eritrea, decides to encourage the positive developments and also underscore the necessity for Eritrea to carry out all its obligations under the UN Security Council Resolution 1907 (2009).

21. Decides to remain seized of the matter.

Issued this 5th day of July, 2010, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

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Urgent East African Summit Discuses Somalia’s Security

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Ethiopia a land of 5 million orphans. Where is mother Ethiopia? “Child body trafficking is a mainstay in the African capital Addis Ababa “

Ethiopia a land of 5 million orphans. Where is mother Ethiopia? “Child body trafficking is a mainstay in the African capital Addis Ababa ” Prof. Muse Tegegne

Ethiopia the land of   Queen of Sheba, it was left bankrupt by years of civil war, drought, floods, famine, and disease have pushed many over 5 millions  of Ethiopian children are today motherless because their parents are either no longer living or are unable to care for them.

A number of U.S.-based adoption agencies have been authorized by the Government of Ethiopia to provide adoption services, and several others pending accreditation. The government office responsible for adoptions in Ethiopia is the Adoption Team in the Children and Youth Affairs Office (CYAO), which is under the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (MOWA).   Symbolically  the fostering families  are  required  to submit post-placement reports until the child turns 18, very few are respecting them once the got the child.

Adoption from Ethiopia is open to any body while a country like thiland are banning due to chile abuse. Adoptions to both the U.S. and Canada have increased notably. In the U.S. the numbers were 1,725 in 2008, vs. 1,255 in 2007.

According to US/ Canadian agencies  “135 Ethiopian children adopted into Canada in 2007 (latest year available) represented 74 more than the year before, an increase of 121%. A Sept. 13, 2008 Toronto Star article “Doors closing on foreign adoptions” stated, “Some estimate that, because of AIDS and catastrophic drought, there may be 5 million Ethiopian orphans by 2010.”

Embracing Ethiopia – International adoption, parenting issues and 
Last year on July 4th, a little baby all the way in Ethiopia consumed our thoughts! Last year, we walked to the fireworks and talked about how next year, Mekonen would get to be with us. Crazy how a year from then has passed and for the 

“The children are beautiful. Children waiting for placement are male and female, infant to 15 years old, healthy as well as special needs. Single birth and sibling groups are available. Many children have resided in a local orphanage, community care or in the hospital of birth prior to being matched with a family. The children are tested for HIV, Hepatitis B, Tuberculosis and Venereal Disease prior to being placed.”


Today the  adoptions and foster  service providers in Ethiopia has greatly increased. Fews agencies comprehend  the  existing laws and inconsistent policies  among various agencies has caused confusion leading to unprecedented corruption leading to child trafficking.

Recent servant proved anomaly in the adoption policy  and its program in Ethiopia.  The government   nominaly put the follwing  non functionla policy to sell the childern of Ethiopia as a market comedity to the world:-

• Heterosexual couples (with or without children) who have been
married at least 3 years

• Those who have good medical insurance that will immediately
cover your child once he/she is adopted

• Families who have sufficient income

• Couples with a strong marriage and low divorce history

• Not more than 45 years older than the youngest child you adopt

• No history of criminal activity or incidence of child abuse

                • Adoption Advocates International
                • All God’s Children International
                • America World Adoption Association
                • Bethany Christian Services
                • Celebrate Children, Intl
                • Children’s Home Society and Family Services
                • Children’s Hope International
                • Children’s House International
                • WACAP
                • Wide Horizons for Children

Today  many foster familes are complaing the price an Ethiopian child  high in the market .

A  organizations  are set to help these familes to cover the offical price . The worst is the corrupted officals and middle men who makes  on every child. Many kids are  there on the under ground child traficing markets . Some are even sold in black market for body part  trafficking . Apart from abandoned children, there is also a steady increase in the number of Ethiopian children becoming orphans because of Aids.

There are nearly 40 agencies in Addis Ababa handling adoptions.

While we cannot change the fact that adopting internationally is expensive without any kind of adoption financial aid, we are concerned that the expenses often make adopting prohibitive for wonderful families desiring to love a child.”


In 2008, U.S. citizens adopted approximately 1,725 children from Ethiopia. Children of all ages are available for adoption including infants, sibling groups, multiples (twins and even triplets), older and special needs children, both boys and girls. These children reside in orphanages.

  • Children six months to 14 years of age.
  • Both boys and girls are available for adoption. First time parents should be flexible in regards to gender selection.
  • Children are generally healthy, but may have parasites and other treatable conditions caused due to living conditions. Children are tested – at minimum — for HIV/AIDS, and Hepatitis and several other conditions. Special needs children are available.
  • Many older sibling groups are available.

 Ethiopian kids arriving to the US
Fiscal Year       Number of Immigrant Visas Issued
2009                                 2277
2008                                 1724
2007                                 1254
2006                                   731
2005                                   440
2004                                   289
2003                                   135
2002                                   105


  • Adopted orphan abroad

Most of the parents are from abroad. The adoption of Ethiopian children by foreigners has increased sharply in the past few years, with thousands of parents from various parts of the Western world adopting children from this impoverished country.

Kids Care Orphanage is just one of the numerous orphanages and child care centres in the Ethiopian capital.

Mostly abandoned children and mutilated child bodies are  found in the  dark alleys of the African capital . You will  be surprised  at times even in toilets  a cry of a motherless child.

Some are licensed by the Ethiopian authorities, who claim Ethiopian orphans have a right to be adopted, but they practiced daily  sending  hundreds abroad  knowing it must be  a last resort since it is preferable for child to be brought up in their own culture. There are many  who are engaged in child traficing and body marketing too.

Very few are  orphans who merit a well  publicized adoptions, movie star Angelina Jolie adopted an Ethiopian child with the help of  a well known agency  ” Wide Horizons for Children”.

Today  many  local agencies  are are highly corrupted working cladestaily with child traficaing mafias  as a million dollar business.

Officially the process of adopting children from Ethiopia is much simpler than many other country today due to this wicked corruption.

In one of the most well-publicised adoptions, movie star Angelina Jolie adopted an Ethiopian child with the help of an agency called Wide Horizons for Children.

The  adoptive parents are asked  come personally and collect the child. This the moment  they will go to a lot  of unprecedented corruption methods and red tapes. The government has put it  mandatory the foster  the parents to stay at least two weeks in Ethiopia to study the culture. They will in the contrary have  the necessary time  to learn something about Ethiopia’s corrupted adoption and child trafficking  system. Adoption in Ethiopia has not been without international  controversy. It has been well described  as being   a center of child trafficking and body marketing flown out directely to the international Kideny and other body banks. It is a million dollar business. Many  preferred silence not to be a spot light on media and loss a lot of dollars fro the extradition of the motherless child.  Our investigation as proved that most of the adopted one have  one or two of their parents. The true orphans are lingushing in the orphanage waiting for adoption if they  do not fail in the hands of body or child  trafficking mafias those with connection or some relatives in Europe or America end up to be adopted as orphans.

[Ethiopia Adoption]

Ethiopian Child: U.S. Adoption Agency Bought Me

CBS News Investigates Serious Questions about the Legitimacy of Some Ethiopian Adoptions

(CBS) Videotapes showing poor orphans from third world countries melt the hearts of prospective parents every day in this country.

Three children, sisters from Ethiopia are shown in a video – ages, you are told, 7, 4 and 6. Their mother is dead, their father dying of AIDS. A life of prostitution is all but assured – if not adopted – saved – by a loving American family.

It was just such a pitch that spoke to Katie and Calvin Bradshaw, reports CBS News chief investigative correspondent Armen Keteyian. They adopted all three girls through a U.S. agency, Christian World Adoption.

“Aside from the gender of the children, everything else proved to be a complete lie,” said Katie.

In truth, the three sisters, Journee, Maree and Meya – were actually much older: 13, 6 and 11.

While their mother was dead, their father was healthy and very much alive. He was living, by local standards, a middle-class life – an extended family able to take care of the girls as middle sister Meya showed us first hand.

“My godmothers, my aunt, those are my mom’s friends, my uncles, my dad, my dad’s friends, that’s my brother,” she said.

In the last year adoptions from Ethiopia to the U.S. have skyrocketed – growing faster than any other country in the world. They have risen from 731 in 2006 to more than 2,200 last year. That’s nearly six children per day.

Now a CBS News investigation has discovered that growth has turned Ethiopia into fertile ground for child trafficking – a country in which some American agencies and their staff engage in highly questionable conduct.

Adoptive families allege that many children brought to the U.S. are not even orphans, that prospective parents are misled about a child’s health and background, that local families are recruited – and sometimes even paid – to give up their kids.

Which the Bradshaw sisters say is exactly what happened to them.

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“Your dad was paid,” Keteyian asked Meya.

“Yes,” she said.

“From Christian World Adoption,” Keteyian asked.

“Yeah,” she replied.

“For you to be adopted?”


“You were sold?”

“Yeah,” she said.

Christian World Adoption is one of 70 agencies licensed to operate in Ethiopia. Beyond the alleged payment to their father, the Bradshaw sisters say they were told by local employees of Christian World they were only coming to America for an education; that they could return home when school was out. Not true. In fact it’s virtually impossible to reverse an adoption in Ethiopia.

“I thought I was going to be kind of like an exchange student,” Journee said. “Honestly, I never knew that I’m going to be here forever.”

“We have watched our kids grieve and cry and scream and melt down from the bottom of their souls over the loss of their country and their family,” Katie Bradshaw said.

A 2007 video shows Christian World representatives entering an Ethopian village and appearing to recruit children from poor villagers – an unethical practice against Ethopian law.

“If you want your child to be adopted by a family in America you may stay,” said Michelle Gardner. She spoke those words on a tape produced by Christian World for American parents seeking to adopt in Ethiopia. And now says she deeply regrets it.

“I was aware of a number of times when things were problematic,” she said. “And several families where children came over and the children didn’t understand that the adoption was permanent.”

Christian World was founded back in 1991 by Bob and Tomilee Harding. In 2008, records show, the non-profit agency took in nearly $6 million dollars – charging a fee of about $15,000 per child.

Citing ongoing litigation, the Hardings declined to speak with CBS News at their offices in Charleston, South Carolina.

One such case, filed last month, includes charges of “wrongful adoption,” “fraud” and “intentional misrepresentation.”

“How do you respond to charges that CWA knowingly deceived or misled adoptive parents through the adoption process in Ethopia?” Keteyian asked.

“Those allegations are completely unfounded,” said Curtis Bostic, attorney for CWA. He told CBS News he was prohibited by law from discussing specific adoption cases.

“I’m talking to parents who are really upset,” Keteyian said. “Who are devastated with their dealings with CWA.”

“Sometimes, people are upset when they just simply misunderstand things,” Bostic said. “I believe that’s exactly what you’re hearing. There have been thousands and thousands of adoptions conducted by CWA all over the world. Is there going to be a handful of folks who misunderstand, who – or who aren’t happy with their adoption? There’s going to be, and we regret that.”

The Bradshaw family lives with its own set of regrets. Parents who trusted and believed they were doing the right thing. The three young girls are learning to adopt a life far from the country they still call home.

Source: CBS News