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Buganda Revolution

Kampala World Cup Blast announces the metastases of Somalian Syndrome in the dictatorial capitals of the Horn of Africa..

It is very sad and condemnable to use civilian as a  tragic  target for such in human act, especially those sport fans of the World Cup.  Today the Mogadishu  syndrome is expanding in the Horn of Africa with highest rhythm than before. And  the enemy of democracy could exploit any situation to mark its ruthlessness  across the world. The world Cup that unites us in peace has been denounced in Mogadishu and blasted in Kampala!!!

The Ugandan Capital is the new old  target for the continues  Somalian syndrome which is havocking the Horn of Africa.  The main cause of the conflict in the Horn of Africa is the the  perpetuation of the reign of  dictators which become fertile ground for terrorist acts. There is no any  democratically elected head of state or any democratic power transition  in all of the seven countries in the region except that of unrecognized break away  Somaliland.  Somalia (Mogadishu), Ethiopia, Eritrea, Uganda, Sudan, Rwanda leaders  came to power  through  arms way, either  using liberation struggle or a mere coup d’etat.  In the Horn of Africa the state power  is  forged under the barrel of the gun. These men in arm once in power they cling to it and continue to monger war in the region via Somalia. They play  a  sham democratic election to lulle the west. And they   always win over 90% of the vote by ragging. Eash of the state helping   AMISON the African union peace keeping mission in Somali  are  member states of  IGAD and  infested by internal unresolved conflicts. Somalia has been  the Kurdistan of these dictatorial regimes. Since its colonial inception, the dream of  “Great Somaliland” with five sided  stares  are pointing to the five different  Somali populated regions in the Horn of  Africa. Somalis like most of the post colonial African ethnic minorities  are distributed through  the post colonial  frontiers of   Ethiopia, Djibouti, Kenya. The rest Somalis are at war and  divided into the break away Somaliland,  Puntland and Mogadishu. The Somalian internal conflict helps to maintain  the balkanization of the colonially divided regions like Kashmir and Kurdistan. It looks very far before the  Great Somaliland come to reality.  Rather the balkanization of  Somalia and the rest of the Horn of African States will continue. Under the foot step of Eritrea,  Southern Sudan will soon be the new state with that of  Puntland and Somaliland on the agenda.  The short term consequences of the Somalian  syndrome would be the  continual tragic  Mogadishu  type suicidal  bastes   making civilian victims  in and around the region. In the  middle term such syndrom   would  perpetuate  the power of  the armed dictators in the political scene. The worst would be the  long term consequences which will result in the balkanization of  the region to   small ethical ungovernable  auto proclaimed states. This is  following the paradigm set by the Ethiopian ethno-genocidal   Dictator Melese  Ethnical states since 1991.

The Horn of  Africa has been a fertile ground for conflict and extremism since the fall of the Eastern block  in 1991. This collapse  brought  the fall of the satellite regimes in Somalia and Ethiopia preceded by a military coup in Khartoum in 1989 where Ben Laden was the institutionalist .   It was soon   followed by  the  collapse of the Dictatorial Regime of Siad Bare in Mogadisho  provocating the the fall  of the Somalian State. This was further ignited  by the comming in power of an irridetist rouge  regime of  Melese Zenawie in Addis Ababa, at the fall of the Communist regime of  Mengistu Haile Mariam the same year. These dictatorial regimes use the Somalia as a proxy to their internal and regional post East-West conflict. The best demonstration  would be  that of  Eritea and Ethiopian proxy war in Somalia.  The more the Somalian exterime group  create havoc, the more  the power of these fallen states  increaseas.  The  the regional dictators existance in power is directely proportional to the militarization  and  radicalized Somalia. The Somalian  exterime  ideology is also helping the other dictators of the region to use it to their  Machiavellian political ends   to disguise  as   peace makers and fighters of liberity and stability in the region. Today to prove  your solidarity you have to send a solider to Somalia or Support the fallen regime in Mogadishu controlling only his residence.  Such outright  support  is a ticket to   western finical and diplomatic support  to your own dictatorial  military regime to perpetuate at the cost of the people of Somalia.

The Somalian resistance to the creation of   state is not a news phenomenon in  pre and post colonial Africa.  The Somalis    speaking  the  same language  and having the same religion are highly divided by a sphosticated  clan based rivalry.

Today the horn of African dictators  use Somalia as a escape goat to cover up  their  internal undemocratic tyrancial regimes. Uganda is mined with  its  long overdue internal conflict with the Lords Resistance Army (LRA), of Joseph Kony. The Ugandian strong man  needs the Somali conflict to classify Kony’s Sudanese assisted movment   under  auspices of  international terrorism. The   unfinished Baganda  revolution who gave the country its name  has  recently manifested to the international scenario   at the recent unjustified  burning of their  respected  King’s cemetery in  Kampala. This cynical act  has revived  the  most challenging  long awaited   but  never delivered power transition by  Yoweri Museveni’s regime.   The Ugandan  participation in  AMISOM is just as Trojan  horse for  Melese Zenawi  and pretext to  perpetuate his grip on power home. Yoweri Museveni originated from   Ankoli  Bahima  ethnic group which drives its tribal  ancestry from the Merotic kings of Ethiopia. The Ankoli in power in   Uganda  are the same Ethnic configuration with that of the Tutis  in Rwanda, Burundi and Bayamalenge in Congo. The Kampala  world cup blast could be  from one the internal factors  attached by the majority  population resisting the Bahima hegemony starching from Burundi to the highland of Ethiopia. Uganda  & Burundi’s  implication in the Somalia  will  have a far reaching consequences resulting in a serious of conflict that will engulf  Mogadishu , Addis Ababa, Nirobi, Bujumbura  and Asmara as  continuation of internal ethnic and political  crisis of the   Eastern Africa beleaguered states .  The  de facto  attribution  of  the worldcup blast in Kampala  to Somalia war lords minimizing  the internal factors of each canoutries political set up   will be simplification and playing in the hands of  dictatorial regimes in the region. The bomb is symbolically set to blast in the Ethiopian restaurant to show  and protest the implication of the leaders of Uganda  to the conflict in the horn of Africa .

Burundi also  needs  Somalian cover up to fashion its   long unsolved internal conflict whcih costs thousands of lifes  since the Genocide of  1972. The country  is undergoing post colonial  internal  Ethnic imbalance between the Tutis 15 % ( controlling the army originated from Ethiopia like the Ankole Of Uganda)  and the majority Bawetu over 80% of the population.  Burundi’s participating in Somalia  is an internal  balancing act of Tutsi controlled army by outreaching and supporting  the minority    regime of Ethiopia in Somalia and as a  reenforcement  to their minority  power internally.

Kenya has its northern federated region revendicated by  Greater Somalia as one of  its five  corner stares.  The incumbent president, Kibaki, is a member of Kenya’s largest and probably most powerful ethnic group, the Kikuyu, who total about 22 percent of the population; his rival, Odinga, is a member of the Luo, who comprise some 13 percent of the populace and live predominantly in western Kenya. In their bitter contest, in which Odinga promised to end ethnic favoritism and spread the country’s wealth more equitably, ethnicity was the deciding factor, and a marred victory on either side had always been likely to spark violence. The resent June 2010   Electoral  and that of the 2008 bombing in Nairobi has its Somalian factor resourcing  from the  Somalian populated western region of  Kenya.  Kenya and Djibouti are inside the volcano of the Somalian syndrome as long as they are under  the domino of  minority dictatorial regimes like that of  Ethiopia.

In conclusion the Somlians are the Kurdistans of the Horn of Africa, every regime in the region  uses Somalia to cover up their internal crime.  The result is the expansion of the conflict in all of the region of 200 million inhabitants. In days  to come the regime is condemned we will be seeing more crisis  griping the region so long  as  minority dictators are in power. And more of refugees will be  escaping these rouge and  fallen states to save their lives. The international terrosort orgnaization have found  a fertile ground cultivated  and  delivred by dictatorial regimes. In colnclusion more drastic blasts will be daily life  in the diffrent capitlas of the horn of Africa as long as democraitationzion  and power sharing is in political impasse.

Geghna Ethiopianism

Kris Sledge, a U.S. citizen injured after an explosion attack at the "Ethiopian village" restaurant rests inside a ward at the International hospital in Kampala, July 12, 2010. Somali Islamists said ...

Somalia’s Militants to Target Burundi

‘Suicide vest’ found after Uganda World Cup blasts

BBC News
Officials said the dead and wounded also included Ethiopian, Eritrean, Indian and Congolese nationals. Mr Opolot added that the other victims had not yet 

Map of Kampala


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How should Ugandans Respond?

23 Killed Watching World Cup

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Uganda bombings: who was behind them?

Ethiopia confirms death of its citizens in Uganda terror attack …

More than 20 deaths feared after blasts in Uganda

23 Killed in an Ethiopian Restaurant  Kampala  Watching World Cup

Islamist militia members walk past a training camp in Somalia's lower Shabelle region in October 2009.

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Opposition Leader Wants ICC to Investigate Uganda’s Leader

Uganda reveals democracy question

BBC

Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni

Museveni’s critics fear he is seeking a third term in office

Uganda’s electoral board has published the question to be asked in next month’s referendum on whether multiparty politics should be restored.

It is: “Do you agree to open up the political space to allow those who wish to join different organisations/ parties to do so to compete for political power?”

The electoral board said it had consulted closely with both sides of the debate before deciding on the question.

Since President Yoweri Museveni came to power 19 years ago, Uganda has operated a unique political system which severely restricted political parties.

Five years ago a similar referendum backed keeping the “movement” system.

Last month, Uganda’s parliament voted overwhelmingly in favour of holding a referendum on the country returning to a full multi-party democracy.

The motion was backed by all but 21 MPs and is being pushed for by Mr Museveni who says “it must go ahead”.

Third term

The one-party movement system of government was introduced to try and prevent the chaos and ethnic conflicts that plagued Uganda throughout the 1970s and early 80s.

At present political parties are allowed to exist but candidates for office must run as individuals – not representatives of a party.

Some had argued that holding a referendum would be too expensive but Mr Museveni has said the people must decide.

The Ugandan government and opposition parties all support a return to multi-party politics ahead of elections in a year’s time.

Mr Museveni’s critics, however, fear that as the constitution is amended to bring in multiparty elections, it will also be altered to let the president seek a third term in office, from which he is currently barred.

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guardian.co.uk home

Tuesday 13 July 2010

‘Terrorism was not really part of the landscape in Uganda’

Sunday’s bomb blasts in Kampala have left the city’s residents shocked. Ugandans face many challenges, but their capital city has, for the past decade or so, felt like a safe, familiar place

One of the victims of the Uganda bomb blasts receives treatment at Mulago hospital in Kampala. Photograph: Str/EPA

Like many people in Uganda, I went to bed at about 9pm on Sunday. I was not really following the World Cup, and I was tired after travelling across the city to visited a friend’s daughter at her boarding school. It had been a long, hot afternoon, and I was happy to get some rest.

At about 1am I woke up and turned the radio on for company. I turned to the BBC World Service. First of all I picked up the result: Spain had won and the Dutch had not played well. Then I realised I was listening to the newsreader announce that there had been two bomb blasts in Kampala.

My first reaction was a mixture of surprise and shock. Ugandans face many challenges, but their capital city has, for the past decade or so, felt like a safe, familiar place. The nightlife is open and easy-going. And the gentleness of central Kampala makes a sharp contrast with other African cities, such as Nairobi and Johannesburg, where hustling and theft is common. Terrorism, of the variety reported on the radio, was not really part of the landscape.

One of the victims of the Uganda bomb blasts receives treatment at Mulago hospital, Kampala

What have people made of the bombings? Over the past day I have picked up a mixture of shock, but also a certain wariness about what the bombings mean.

As is often the case, details emerged in sketchy fashion. At first the numbers were put at 13, then somewhere in the 20s. The local newsreader kept on commenting on the sadness of the events. By the time I left the house yesterday morning there were at least 64 confirmed deaths. Today, the number is 74. The venues targeted were the Kyadondo rugby club in Lugogo, an elegant venue that you pass as you head out of town on the Jinja Road, and the Ethiopian Village restaurant in Kabalaga. Both are popular spots for westerners living in Kampala.

The wariness probably came from the need to be careful about what you say to a foreigner (particularly on something that might link up to national security questions). Many of the people I spoke to refused to offer a definitive statement on what had gone on, and instead focused on the very real human tragedy. As yesterday progressed, survivor’s tales, often in gothic detail, started to emerge in the Ugandan media.

By contrast Uganda’s government was quick to assert culpability. Uganda’s inspector of police, general Kale Kayihura, told the New Vision newspaper that “these people” perpetrated the attack, meaning Somali Islamist movement al-Shabaab. Al-Shabaab is strongly opposed to the presence of an African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia (Amisom). Uganda has been by far the largest contributor to this peacekeeping mission. The Ugandan military has long been a recipient of support and technical advice from the US government.

Thinking back to yesterday morning, I was struck by the fairly circumspect comments of the BBC’s east Africa correspondent, Will Ross. In fairly diplomatic language he pointed out that there is no proof of al-Shabaab involvement and that “the blasts could be linked to next year’s elections in Uganda”.

Though this will get less play in the west, which mostly sees Africa through its own interests, Ross was referring to the instability of the domestic political scene in Uganda. Ethnic, regional and political antagonisms remain and they will shape next year’s elections. The current government is keen to ensure that President Museveni – in power for 24 years already – continues to serve as Uganda’s head of state.

The nature of the violence – bombings, in a part of the city popular with westerners – has been the hallmark of Islamist violence in Africa and the Middle East. The violence is unlikely to be connected to domestic politics, though this will not silence the rumour-mongerers and conspiracy theorists that congregate around terrorist acts.

What can be said is that Uganda is an increasingly nervous place. The elections give most people cause for concern. The alliance with the US is not without problems. An increasingly hardline version of Christianity may result in tensions with Uganda’s sizeable Muslim population (about 10%). There is also a fairly large Somali population in Kampala, which must now feel vulnerable.

From next Monday to 27 July, Kampala will be hosting the 15th annual summit of the African Union, when heads of state including South Africa’s Jacob Zuma, Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi and Liberia’s Ellen Johnson Sirleaf will be in town. For those living in Kampala it will be a difficult time

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Terror Bombings in Uganda: A Prelude to Regional War?

by Austin Bay
July 13, 2010

Sunday’s terror bombings, which murdered 76 people in Uganda’s capital, Kampala, are another signal that East Africa could face a devastating regional war.

The attack demonstrates that Islamist terrorists willing to commit mass murder to advance their criminal theology remain active in eastern Africa. Americans first became aware of al-Qaida following the August 1998 terror bombings of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.

Somalia’s al-Qaida-affiliated Al Shabab Islamist terror group has claimed credit for the Kampala massacre. One bomb exploded in an Ethiopian cafe filled with World Cup soccer fans. Al Shabab’s murderers picked that target carefully. Ethiopia supports Al Shabab’s nationalist opponents in Somalia.

Ugandan troops serve with the African Union peacekeeping force in Somalia, which makes Uganda a special target for Al Shabab. Al Shabab’s attacks in Kampala may be an attempt to repeat al-Qaida’s “Madrid Precedent.” Recall al-Qaida launched attacks in Madrid in March 2004, just before Spain’s national elections. A “pro-peace” government was elected, and it withdrew Spanish forces serving in Iraq. Uganda has national elections scheduled for early next year.

A more dangerous regional war, however, lurks in East Africa. Uganda borders on south Sudan. Every day relations between the semi-autonomous Government of South Sudan (GOSS) and Sudan’s national (northern) government in Khartoum deteriorate. The 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which ended the last north-south war, the Second Sudan Civil War, stipulated that a plebiscite on southern independence be held in 2011. Many southerners believe South Sudan is already a separate country. They support independence — except the national government calls it “secession.”

Conditions exist for renewed civil war, and a nudge or two, a bomb here and assassination there, might ensure it. Al Shabab has studied the map. Should the Third Sudan Civil War erupt, Ethiopia would face war on a third front. Ethiopia already confronts Eritrea and Somalia. Radical Islamists would exploit the religious facets of renewed civil war: South Sudan is predominantly Christian and animist, and the north is predominantly Muslim.

The Second Sudan Civil War lasted two decades, left 2 million dead, created millions of refugees and — despite ritual denials by Khartoum’s Islamists — involved slaving by northern-backed “Arab” militias. Southern Christian and animist black tribespeople were kidnapped then sold. Uganda was a covert ally of the southerners, for many reasons, including close links with the Dinka tribe, which provided the leaders in the south’s Sudan Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA). Arab slaving, however, played a role.

Tribal violence already afflicts southern Sudan. Estimates vary (the areas involved are isolated), but a thousand people died in 2009 in tribal violence in South Sudan. The GOSS claims the north incites violence by providing arms to troublemakers. Sudan’s national president, Omar al-Bashir, is under indictment by the International Criminal Court for genocide in Darfur. Providing arms to willing killers is a proven Bashir policy.

Oil fuels North-South disputes, and in a new civil war oil fields will be battlefields. Roughly 75 percent of Sudan’s oil reserves are in territory that GOSS claims. “Claims” is appropriate because the exact north-south border has not been finalized. The two governments argue over oil income. South Sudan relies on oil royalties for 95 percent of its budget. The north dispenses the revenues. The GOSS contends the north cheated it of $300 million it was due in 2009.

Uganda insists Khartoum still supports Uganda’s Lord’s Resistance Army rebel group, so a new war could bring in Uganda as a military ally of the south. Kenya, and conceivably Ethiopia, might also be openly involved. Kenya has been a conduit for arms to the SPLA. In 2008, Somali pirates hijacked a ship transporting Ukrainian tanks to Kenya. The tanks’ destination was South Sudan.

A vital environmental and economic conflict further exacerbates tensions. Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda, Tanzania and Ethiopia have announced they will no longer abide by a 1929 colonial treaty that gives the downriver nations what they regard as an unjust share of Nile water. The Khartoum government and Egypt reject the upriver nations’ contentions.

Oil revenue and water rights disputes, religious differences, ethnic struggles and terrorists exploiting every division — East Africa’s fragile states edge toward a war of the poor that will create greater poverty.

IGAD Manipulated by Melese Zenawie is a force of division and conflict in the horn of Africa

Click for IGAD website

Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD)IGAD  is bragging to  be the   premier regional organization for achieving peace, prosperity and regional integration in the in the Horn of Africa . However, since its creation in 1996 the regions as gone major wars, military   interventions, chronic conflict, starvation,  regional division than integration. Since its creation has been manipulated by Meles Zenawie  for his power and regional position to re-enforce his international  and African Status and cover up his internal misconduct, ethnic cleansing and genocide.

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The seven member states of IGAD – Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda – cover an area of 5.2 Million sq. km and have a population of more than 200 Million. The average population growth rate of 2.6 % is one of the highest in the world and nearly half of the population is under 14 years of age.

This uncessful orgnaization took its root in 1983 and 1984, ( Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda)   established an intergovernmental body for development and drought control in their region(IGADD). Eritrea became the seventh member after attaining independence in 1993 and suspended its membership  from the organization April 21, 2007 after a rift with arch-foe Ethiopia at a meeting on Somalia this month threatened to divide the region. The reason given by the Eritrea:-

“It’s a temporary withdrawal. We feel that it’s not responsible to stay in that organisation when decisions are being made that are not legally or morally acceptable.” “The organisation is being manipulated by external forces, a number of repeated and irresponsible resolutions that undermine regional peace and security have been adopted in the guise of IGAD.”

The festering feud between Ethiopia and Eritrea, still bitter over their 1998-2000 border war and locked in what many see as a proxy war in Somalia.

Member State Area (Sq. Km) Population (m) Annual Population Growth(%) GNI per capita (US$)
Djibouti 23,200 0.793 1.8 1,010
Eritrea 117,600 4.4 3.9 170
Ethiopia 1,100,000 71.3 1.8 160
Kenya 580,400 34.3 2.3 540
Somalia 637,760 8.2 3.3
Sudan 2,500,000 36.2 2.0 640
Uganda 241,000 28.8 3.5 280
Total 5,199,900 184 Average 2.6

The  non realized objectives of IGAD were:-

  • Promote joint development strategies and gradually harmonize macro-economic policies and programmes in the social, technological and scientific fields;
  • Harmonize policies with regard to trade, customs, transport, communications, agriculture, and natural resources, and promote free movement of goods, services, and people within the region.
  • Create an enabling environment for foreign, cross-border and domestic trade and investment;
  • Achieve regional food security and encourage and assist efforts of Member States to collectively combat drought and other natural and man-made disatsters and their natural consequences;
  • Initiate and promote programmes and projects to achieve regional food security and sustainable development of natural resources and environment protection, and encourage and assist efforts of Member States to collectively combat drought and other natural and man-made disasters and their consequences;
  • Develop and improve a coordinated and complementary infrastructure, in the areas of transport, telecommunications and energy in the region;
  • Promote peace and stability in the region and create mechanisms within the region for the prevention, management and resolution of inter-State and intra-State conflicts through dialogue;
  • Mobilize resources for the implementation of emergency, short-term, medium-term and long-term programmes within the framework of regional cooperation;
  • Promote and realize the objectives of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the African Economic Community;
  • Facilitate, promote and strengthen cooperation in research development and application in science and technology

Africa:  Communique of the 15th Extraordinary Session of the IGAD Assembly of Heads of State thumbnail

Communique of the 15th Extraordinary Session of the IGAD Assembly of Heads of State

The Summit:

Having taken note of the decisions and recommendations made by the 36th Extra-ordinary Session of the IGAD Council of Ministers as reflected in their Communiqué of 15th June 2010,

Having taken note of the report of the IGAD military expert’s mission to Mogadishu,

Considering the brief by the President of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia and his appeal for urgent support and assistance to build the capacity of the TFG security forces,

Recalling the previous decisions of the IGAD Assembly of Heads of State and Government and the Council of Ministers on Somalia,

1. Notes with serious concern the deteriorating security situation in Somalia which poses serious threat to the peace, security and stability to the people and TFG of Somalia , the region and the international community ;

2. Reiterates the commitment and resolve of IGAD member states to give unswerving support and assistance to the TFG in its struggle against extremist and terrorist groups;

3. Underlines that the conflict in Somalia is not a conflict among the Somalis but between the people of Somalia and international terrorist groups;

4. Emphasizes the need for an urgent and robust response by international community led by the UN Security Council, to arrest the escalating danger facing Somalia and the sub-Region and reiterates its previous call to the UN to convert AMISOM into a UN peace keeping operation without delay;

5. Decides that a sustainable and reliable funding mechanism to be established and managed jointly by AMISOM, UNPOS, IGAD and the TFG for sustainment of the security forces upon development and deployment in Somalia;

6. Calls upon the African Union to relocate as soon as possible the civilian and police components of AMISOM to Mogadishu;

7. Regrets that the approved level of AMISOM troops has not been achieved thus far; and decides to deploy 2000 peacekeepers under AMISOM to Somalia immediately; and further calls upon the AU Commission to mobilize the necessary resources, logistics and equipment for the deployment;

8. Decides to work with all parties including AMISOM and UN Security Council to raise 20,000 troops to be deployed throughout the country. In this regard, Summit Embraces the need to mobilize Somali forces internally with possible intervention by neighboring countries including approaching the East African Community (EAC) and empower them with resources and equipment;

9. Endorses the recommendations of the military mission to Somalia as amended; Directs the Chiefs of Defense Staff of IGAD Member States to convene an urgent meeting and submit to the AU Commission an action plan to deploy 2000 peace keepers to Somalia to enable AMISOM to reach the authorized strength of 8100, and to review and implement, as appropriate, the recommendations made by the IGAD Military Mission to Somalia;

10. Directs the Chairperson of the Council of Ministers and IGAD Secretariat to make the necessary arrangement for the convening of the meeting of the IGAD chiefs of defense staff;

11. Decides to render support to the TFG Security institutions by providing inter alia training of troops and trainers , establishment of joint command and providing experts;

12. Directs IGAD Secretariat to strengthen its office in Mogadishu within 15 days and Calls upon AMISOM, UNPOS and IGAD to establish in Mogadishu an operational level coordination mechanism to strengthen and harmonize their support to the TFG in the areas of training, establishment of command and control structure;

13. Express appreciation to the partner Countries and organizations that are currently providing financial, material and technical assistance to the TFG andCalls upon them to enhance and sustain their support;

14. Welcomes the Agreement signed between the TFG and Ahlu  Sunna Wal Jamma’a on 15 March 2010 in Addis Ababa and encourages the parties to realize the full implementation of the Agreement;

15. Encouraged by the commitment of the leadership of the TFG and urgesTransitional Federal Institutions (TFIs) to enhance their cohesion and unity in the face of the enormous challenges that Somalia is facing currently and in order to make progress in the accomplishment of the numerous tasks envisaged for the transitional period;

16. Calls upon the Chairperson of AUC to appoint an eminent person to lead the campaign for peace in Somalia. The eminent person shall be at the apex of a coordinating mechanism towards reconstitution and building the State of Somalia and to raise the profile of the country internationally;

17. Calls upon the international community to continue assisting refugees, internally displaced persons and victims of violence.

18. Affirms that the Djibouti process remains the sole basis for the Somalia peace and reconciliation and Rejects the proliferation of initiatives inimical to the swift resolution of the crisis in Somalia; Urges the TFG to continue the efforts it has been making to broaden its base while ensuring that the process is protected from the threat posed by extremists whose major effort includes the dismantling of the Djibouti process;

19. Calls upon AU Member states that have not contributed troops to render financial and material support to Somalia;

20. Having listened to a brief by H.E. Ismael Omar Guelleh, the President of the Republic of Djibouti on the mediation efforts by Qatar between Djibouti and Eritrea, decides to encourage the positive developments and also underscore the necessity for Eritrea to carry out all its obligations under the UN Security Council Resolution 1907 (2009).

21. Decides to remain seized of the matter.

Issued this 5th day of July, 2010, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

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Urgent East African Summit Discuses Somalia’s Security

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Buganda Revolution in Uganda



His Majesty Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II 36th King of Buganda

In Ethiopia the Historical  over  thousand of  years Zege Church burned recently  by the regime No body moved a finger. The Great Buganda people has just declared revolution while the Ethiopians are sleeping . The Ethiopians must learn from Uganda and defend their cultural identity.  Imagine a Mosque is just touched what will happen? Where is the justice…? Where are the defender of international cultural Identity ? Where are the  so called Christan world ?  Specially The orthodox World  Russia ,  Greek 8 Eastern Churhes   etc… Where are our brothers the  Muslims defender of a true faith no word in their site about this great church ? Where is our ecumenism.  Where is UNESCO in Ethiopia ?

The Buganda kings like  Toree’s  kings claim their descendants from Ethiopian Kings they gave the name to the country what is called today  the post colonial Uganda. Uganda is off time konwn as the  Perle of Africa.

Buganda is a kingdom located on Lake Victoria; Over time it expanded by means of conquest; in the 19th century it covered a large part of what is Uganda today, including the site which was to become Uganda’s capital, Kampala. It has an old relation with the Abyssinian kingdom. it was interpreted by the Scramble of Africa  and the coming of the European powers in the region.

In the 19th century, Buganda was visited by western travelers : J.H. SPEKE (1862), HENRY MORTON STANLEY (1876). Their reports picture a state of considerable size and authority, the capital at LUBAGA HILL a town of 40,000, the armed forces consisting of 125,000 troops and a ‘navy’ of 230 war canoes.
Anglican missionaries arrived in 1877; Catholic missionaries in 1879; soon, protestant (Anglican), catholic and islamic groups intrigued against each other at Buganda’s court. Clashes between rival factions resulted in massacres; as political leaders frequently changed, so did the victimized communities; in 1885, Kabaka Mwanga ordered the execution of 1 Anglican missionary and of 30 Catholic converts..

Brief Description

The Tombs of Buganda Kings at Kasubi constitute a site embracing almost 30 ha of hillside within Kampala district. Most of the site is agricultural, farmed by traditional methods. At its core on the hilltop is the former palace of the Kabakas of Buganda, built in 1882 and converted into the royal burial ground in 1884. Four royal tombs now lie within the Muzibu Azaala Mpanga, the main building, which is circular and surmounted by a dome. It is a major example of an architectural achievement in organic materials, principally wood, thatch, reed, wattle and daub. The site’s main significance lies, however, in its intangible values of belief, spirituality, continuity and identity.

The Tombs of Buganda Kings at Kasubi constitute a site embracing almost 30 ha of hillside within Kampala district. Most of the site is agricultural, farmed by traditional methods. At its core on the hilltop is the former palace of the Kabakas of Buganda, built in 1882 and converted into the royal burial ground in 1884. Four royal tombs now lie within the Muzibu Azaala Mpanga, the main building, which is circular and surmounted by a dome. It is a major example of an architectural achievement in organic materials, principally wood, thatch, reed, wattle and daub. The site’s main significance lies, however, in its intangible values of belief, spirituality, continuity and identity.


Njagala-Kasayi or Kasaba’s wife’s hut in the main courtyard | Sébastien Moriset © UNESCO
Date of Inscription: 2001
Criteria: (i)(iii)(iv)(vi)
Property : 26.8000 ha
Kampala District
N0 20 55 E32 33 5
Ref: 1022

Brief Description

Statement of Significance

Criterion i The Kasubi Tombs site is a masterpiece of human creativity both in its conception and its execution. Criterion iii The Kasubi Tombs site bears eloquent witness to the living cultural traditions of the Baganda. Criterion iv The spatial organization of the Kasubi Tombs site represents the best extant example of a Baganda palace/architectural ensemble. Built in the finest traditions of Ganda architecture and palace design, it reflects technical achievements developed over many centuries. Criterion vi The built and natural elements of the Kasubi Tombs site are charged with historical, traditional, and spiritual values. It is a major spiritual centre for the Baganda and is the most active religious place in the kingdom.

Thousands of people in Uganda belonging to the Baganda kingdom have held a riot at the tombs of their late kings, which caught fire last night.

The grass thatched building which contained the five tombs of late kings, all the kings to have ruled Buganda kingdom in the last 100 years, caught fire last night. According to a police officer at a police post near the tombs, Chris Sali, the tombs caught fire at 8.30 but there are different versions about the cause of fire.

“Some people say that they saw someone setting fire on the tombs. They say he fled in a vehicle. Others say that young men who smoke opium near the tombs were responsible for setting the fire on the tombs,” Sali said.

Meanwhile, some people in the Buganda kingdom have accused the Ugandan government of setting the fire on the tombs. The government has vehemently denied the allegations.

Thousands of angry people stormed the tombs after the fire and started mourning. They fought with the police who had been deployed to contain law and order. Four people have been admitted to hospital (Mulago) in Kampala after having sustained severe injuries.



President Museveni

The angry mob blocked Uganda’s president, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni from visiting the tombs. The President later canceled his visit.

Although President Yoweri Museveni restored Ugandan Kingdoms in 1993 — albeit establishing them as non-political cultural institutions — after they were abolished in 1967 by President Obote, the Baganda believe that the President has tried to limit the influence of the Buganda Kabaka (King).

Last September, clashes erupted in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, following a planned visit by King Ronald Muwenda Mutebi of the Buganda kingdom to the central district of Kayunga. About 20 people were killed.

Kayunga, which is part of the Buganda kingdom, is believed to be inhabited by mostly non-Baganda. The riots were sparked when the minority community in the largely Buganda populated area opposed the King’s trip.

The Kayungas who opposed the visit of the King said they had seceded from the Buganda Kingdom, while insisting that the Kabaka’s visit was politically motivated. A detail that is prohibited by the 1993 deal that restored the kingdoms.

Constitutional powers

The Baganda have been advocating for constitutional powers for Kings through the restoration of a federal administration that would formally recognize the political power of their King.

Buganda is the largest and most politically powerful kingdom with about 20 per cent of the total Ugandan population and constituting the largest single ethnic group in the country.

The Kingdom is strategically located in the central region along the shores of Lake Victoria and houses the nation’s capital, Kampala.

The Baganda have an estimated population of about five million people.

During the colonial era, Buganda became the most influential kingdom in Uganda when the British rewarded it for its collaboration by giving it territories that belonged to the western kingdom of Bunyoro.

Many Baganda have, for several years, unsuccessfully lobbied the government to introduce a federal form of government that would give some autonomy to the regions.

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The Uganda Record

Wednesday, 17th March 2010

Who burnt the Kasubi Tombs?

The royal Buganda tombs at Kasubi on July 19, 2009.

The Buganda royal site, the Tombs at Kasubi, have been razed to the ground in a fire that swept through the premises shortly after 9:00p.m. on Tuesday night, March 16, 2010.

Witnesses at the scene at the time of the fire said it had started without warning or build up and appears to have been the work of an arsonist.

Hundreds of distressed and wailing Baganda gathered at the burning building and tried desperately to extinguish the fire but were reduced to tears and helplessly watching the grass-thatched complex go up in flames.

When the police arrived, it too failed to put out the fire and when the crowd got rowdy, gunshots and teargas were fired in the air, further angering the crowd.

WBS television and NTV aired segments of the inferno, while NBS television and Record TV run extensive video footage of the scenes of chaos, anger and the burning premises.

As gleaned from the TV footage, the anger of the crowd gathered at the tombs appeared to be directed at President Museveni, with many voices caught on camera angrily declaring that no matter what, one day he would perish in a fire too.

SMS text messages flying about in Kampala mentioned the fire and usually pointed the finger at Museveni.

The Katikiiro of Buganda, J.B. Walusimbi, Prince Kassim Nakibinge, and Buganda Information minister Medard S. Lubega were among the senior kingdom officials first at the scene.

The tombs, listed as one of hundreds of World Heritage Sites by the United Nations cultural agency UNESCO, were one of the most visited historic sites in Uganda.

Built just over 100 years ago, they are the traditional burial ground of Buganda’s kings, as well as the repository of some of the most valuable and irreplaceable cultural artifacts in Buganda.

Who set the royal tombs on fire?

The Daily Monitor newspaper, in its edition of Wednesday March 17, 2010, quoted eye witnesses as saying that a white pickup without number plates was at the scene.

A woman spoke of seeing a white box left at the tombs, then a loud explosion just before the historic site burst into flames.

When nearby motorcycle riders tried to block the pickup, now speeding off the scene, somebody inside or seated on the outside of the vehicle fired in the air to disperse the motorcycle riders.

“[T]he fleeing man shot in the air to scare away riders in his pursuit,” the Daily Monitor reported.

This, clearly, was an act of arson and sabotage. Whoever lit that fire knows what the Kasubi Tombs mean to Buganda. It is like setting fire to the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at Westminster Abbey in London, historic burial site of some of England’s most revered figures.

The purpose of burning Kasubi Tombs would have been two fold.

From the point of view of one trying to cause the Museveni government to lose any remaining support in Buganda, it would have been to trigger off riots or deep and boiling anger among the Baganda.

From the point of view of a state actor, to set the tombs on fire and destroy them would achieve the goal of creating conditions of such unrest and insecurity as to warrant the proclamation of a state of emergency in Buganda.

Whatever the truth, this was an act of supreme political sabotage, not mere arson. The only act that would exceed this would be to assassinate the Kabaka of Buganda or to burn down one of his palaces.

The fact of a loud explosion preceding the break out of a fire was the hallmark of the fires that struck Budo Junior School and several others schools in and outside Kampala in 2008 and the Park Yard Market near Nakivubo Stadium in 2009. Explosives were used.

What makes the Kasubi fire even more suspicious was the reported firing in the air by the getaway car. Had the tombs been set on fire by an ordinary arsonist, he would have made it his top priority to flee the scene as quietly and inconspicuously as possible. To fire gunshots in the air could only attract attention.

More importantly, to have the audacity to fire gunshots in the air suggests the confidence of an arsonist with some measure of state protection, or membership in the official state security and military apparatus.

In its reporting and discussion of the fire on Wednesday morning, NBS television kept receiving SMS text messages from viewers mentioning their belief that it was the government.

As the fire raged on Tuesday night, the Catholic Church-run radio station, Radio Maria, kept receiving phone calls by listeners accusing the government of being behind the fire and had to discontinue the discussion for fear of being accused of inciting the public.

It was noticeable, on Wednesday morning, that most FM radio stations in Kampala avoided discussing the fire during their breakfast shows, mindful of what live phone calls from listeners would say and knowing the risk they run in having their operating licenses withdrawn.

The caution taken by the radio stations not to discuss the fire in itself reflects the widespread anger among the public and their belief that this was a state-orchestrated attack on Buganda.

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30 years since the fall of the Amin regime
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